Prytulak   Cheka-GPU-NKVD in Ukraine   25-May-1998   Jewish conquest of the Slavs
The Shapoval volume, then, provides us with one such reason why some Ukrainian anti-Semitism might exist. The reason is that Ukrainians have been aware of the Jewish domination of the experiment in government through mass murder which went under the name of "Communism," and in which experiment Ukrainians more than any other peoples have been conscripted into playing the role of guinea pigs.
What to do about wide tables.  Because they are so wide, some of the tables in the document below may lose formatting either on screen or in being printed as hard copy.  This section details some solutions to this problem.

On screen.  The on screen solution is simple: reduce font size.  In Netscape, this can be done by hitting CTRL+[ on your keyboard (where CTRL+] will increase font size again).  In Internet Explorer, click on View, Fonts, then click on an option smaller than the one presently checked, this from among: Largest, Large, Medium, Smaller, and Smallest.

A more permanent solution is to increase screen resolution, which I assume almost nobody will want to do because of their particular hardware limitations, but which if they did, would be accomplished by clicking on Control Panel on the Windows desktop, then clicking on Display, then on Settings, then with respect to Desktop Area, moving the slide one notch toward More.  I currently use a resolution of 1280 x 1084 pixels; anything lower than 1024 x 768 pixels will give bad results.

Hard copy.  First, before printing, reduce the side margins.  In either Netscape or Internet Explorer, click on File, Page Setup, then set Left and Right Margins to zero.  Internet Explorer will probably insist on 0.25" as the minimum, which will have to be good enough.  In the case of Internet Explorer, choosing a smaller font for screen viewing will also produce a smaller font for the hard copy printout, whereas there does not appear to be any way to reduce font size when printing from Netscape.

Jewish Conquest of the Slavs

The Shapoval volume.  The analyses that I present below are based on information in the following book written in Ukrainian, with some of its documentation presented in Russian:

Yuri Shapoval, Volodymyr Prystaiko, and Vadym Zolotariov,
Cheka-GPU-NKVD in Ukraine: People, Facts, Documents,
Abris, Kyiv, 1997.

For the sake of brevity, I will refer to the above book as "the Shapoval volume."

Sponsorship.  It is possibly highly significant that this book was sponsored by the following:

National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
M. S. Hrushevsky Institute
of Ukrainian Archaeography and Fontology
Security Service of Ukraine

The SBU.  The Security Service of Ukraine mentioned above is none other than the Sluzhba Bezpeky Ukrainy (SBU), the Ukrainian successor to the Soviet KGB.  Without the cooperation of the SBU and the opening to the authors of the SBU archives, the above book could not have been written.  The contribution of the SBU toward the writing of an accurate history of Ukraine speaks well of its intentions and gives promise that it has broken with the past and is in no way a successor to the Cheka-GPU-NKVD.

My work is based on 183 Shapoval biographies.  Of relevance here is that on pp. 429-581, the authors present biographical outlines of 183 leading officials of the Cheka, the GPU, and the NKVD in Ukraine.  In 160 of these outlines, the nationality of the official is mentioned.  My contribution to this large and excellent work was to go through these biographical outlines and compile a few descriptive statistics.

Nationalities in the Cheka-GPU-NKVD. One may summarize my chief finding with this succinct approximation:

Out of every 10 senior members
of the Cheka-GPU-NKVD in Ukraine:
6 were Jewish,
2 were Russian,
1 was Ukrainian, and
1 was other.

Latvians.  Latvians led in the "other" category.  More specifically:

Jewish=92 + Father Jewish=1
Latvian (M)=6 + (F)=1

Total known nationality

Unknown nationality






Almost no mixed parentage.  Given that the authors noted the instance in which only the father was Jewish, it would appear that there are no other instances of known mixed parentage in this sample.

Almost no females.  In Ukrainian, the word for "a Latvian person" comes in masculine and feminine versions, and thus it was possible to note upon no more than seeing their nationality stated that six of the Latvians were male and one female.  But as all the other nationality names also come in two versions, then it would also have been possible to note the presence of a female in them as well, which however I failed to do.  Thus, in the sample of 160 for which nationalities were specified, there appears to be only a single female.  The Cheka-GPU-NKVD in Ukraine, then, appears to have been a male-dominated occupation.

Possible under-estimate of Jewish participation.  The "Polish/German" above refers to a single official who was inconsistent in identifying his nationality on various documents, sometimes stating Polish and sometimes German.  Two possibilities come to mind: first, that neither of these is his true nationality; second, that other officials may have misrepresented their nationality more consistently and thus avoided detection.  More specifically, as Jews commonly assumed non-Jewish names and concealed their Jewish identity, it is possible that the above statistics constitute an under-estimate of Jewish presence in the Ukrainian Cheka-GPU-NKVD.

The Shapoval volume offers some evidence in confirmation of this hypothesis.  That is, in listing the names of the 183 Cheka-GPU-NKVD officials, when the official used more than one name or changed his name, Shapoval included the aliases in parentheses.  The number of names containing parentheses was 20.  Of these, 14 were Jewish, 3 Latvian, 1 Russian, 1 German, and 1 unknown.  Thus, it would appear that the changing of names was overwhelmingly a Jewish phenomenon.  Furthermore, my impression is that the name changes tended to be in the direction of making the names less Jewish and more Slavic, though as this conclusion requires the exercise of judgment, and as in several cases I did not trust my judgment, I do not here quantify the direction of the name changes.  Four examples of names that seemed to go from Jewish to Slavic were:

Holovanivskyi Bernard Volfovych Kozelskyi Borys Volodymyrovych
Podolsky Davyd Vulfovych Orlov Danylo Volodymyrovych
Izrail Moiseiovych Radzivilovskyi Oleksandr Pavlovych
Rosenbardt Abram Borysovych Rozanov Oleksandr Borysovych

Declining to guess nationality from name?   Among the 23 for whom nationality was not specified, I noticed a few cases in which nationality might be inferred from the name alone.  For example, although no nationality was specified for Solomon Isaakovych Goldman, one might venture to guess that he is more likely Jewish than Russian or Ukrainian.  I conclude that either the authors had independent evidence concerning Goldman's nationality but failed to specify it as an oversight, or else that they had insufficient biographical data to infer nationality, and followed the general rule of declining to do so from name only.  Of course if the Shapoval authors declined to guess that Solomon Isaakovych Goldman was Jewish, then I decline to do so as well, leaving Goldman uncategorized with respect to nationality, and likely lowering estimates of Jewish participation in the Ukrainian Cheka-GPU-NKVD.

How unfounded was the CCCP joke?  In Morley Safer's 60 Minutes broadcast The Ugly Face of Freedom of 23Oct94, the editor of the Lviv newspaper Za Vilnu Ukrainu (For a Free Ukraine) was shown relating the joke that CCCP (the Cyrillic version of USSR) stood for three Jews and a Russian (where "C" is the first Cyrillic letter of a slang word for "Jew," and "P" is the first Cyrillic letter of the Ukrainian word for "Russian").  To the 60 Minutes audience, this joke must have seemed not only in bad taste, but more importantly must have seemed unfounded and inaccurate, and thus little better than an expression of anti-Semitism.  When compared to the Shapoval Cheka-GPU-NKVD statistics above, however, this 75% Jewish and 25% Russian attribution of responsibility for Communism is revealed as only a small exaggeration.

Did some nationalities dominate the higher ranks?  But from the above it is possible to imagine that the 6 Jews in every group of 10 were subordinate, and that the 2 Russians and 1 Ukrainian were of higher rank, so that it was the Slavs who controlled the Cheka-GPU-NKVD, and the more numerous Jews were merely underlings who followed orders.  To test this hypothesis, let us examine the highest ranks achieved within the security service on or before 1941.  In categorizing ranks, I am following the table on Shapoval's p. 340, which � rendered from Russian into English � gives the following:

   1     Commissar, First class
   2     Commissar, Second class  
   3     Commissar, Third class
   4     Major, Senior
   5     Major
   6     Captain
   7     Lieutenant, Senior
   8     Lieutenant
   9     Lieutenant, Junior
  10     Sergeant

Scaling.  The numbers in the above table are my own, and I will use them below in referring to the various ranks and in performing computations.  Note that a smaller number indicates a senior rank.  Of course the assignment of alternative numbers to designate each rank will produce different results.  For example, one might know that the difference between some ranks was more important than between others, as for example the difference between a Lieutenant and a Senior Lieutenant might carry less significance than the difference between a Senior Major and a Third Class Commissar, in which case the representation of each rank by a number could be made to reflect the lesser difference in the former comparison and the greater difference in the latter comparison.  This invites us into the thorny area of scaling, which it would be a digression to enter.

Ranks after 1941 ignored.  It appears that the ranking system began to be altered some time in the early 1940s, with alternative ranks being introduced, such as "pidpolkovnyk" and "polkovnyk."  However, as ranks achieved after 1941 were ignored, ranks within the revised system were ignored.

NATIONALITY Military Rank Number
 1  2  3  4  5  6  7  8
Jewish 1 3 7 11 19 31 11 2 85 5.25 6.0 6.0 8 93
Russian     2 4 10 8 4   28 5.29 5.0 5.0 6 34
Ukrainian 1   1 1   7 2 2 14 5.71 6.0 6.0 1 15
Latvian 1   2   1 1     5 3.60 3.0 3.0 2 7
Belarusian       1 1       2 4.50 4.5 4.5 1 3
Polish         1 1     2 5.50 5.5 5.5 0 2
Polish/German 1               1 1.00 1.0 1.0 0 1
Armenian         1       1 5.00 5.0 5.0 0 1
Georgian       1         1 4.00 4.0 4.0 0 1
German         1       1 5.00 5.0 5.0 0 1
Lithuanian                 0       1 1
Moldovan         1       1 5.00 5.0 5.0 0 1
Known Nation 4 3 12 18 35 48 17 4 141 5.19 5.0 6.0 19 160
Unknown Nation     1 1 6 5 3 2 18 5.78 6.0 5.0 5 23
ALL 4 3 13 19 41 53 20 6 159 5.26 5.0 6.0 24 183

Military rank of Jews, Russians, Ukrainians.  What does the above table tell us?  That of the three nationalities that have sufficient representation to make their means worth looking at � Jews, Russians, and Ukrainians � the mean rank of Jews and Russians was equivalent, with Russians standing inappreciably (0.04 units) below Jews; the Ukrainians stood almost half a rank (0.46 units) lower than Jews.

The few Latvians rank high.  The means corresponding to the other nationalities are not worth looking at because they are based on such small numbers of cases.  Salient among these, however, might be the mean for the 5 out of 7 Latvians for whom rank was known � these five produced a mean military rank of 3.60, thus standing as a group appreciably above Jews, Russians, and Ukrainians, though of course the small number of Latvians could not have given them great influence within the security service.

The military rank of nationalities in the Cheka-GPU-NKVD.  The chief conclusion to emerge from the above figures, then, is the following:

Of the three chief nationalities
comprising the Cheka-GPU-NKVD in Ukraine
� Jews, Russians, and Ukrainians �
Russians equalled Jews in military rank,
and Ukrainians averaged almost half a rank lower.

Age characteristics of the sample.  Shapoval provides the year of birth for most of the officials in the sample.  The detailed statistics are provided below:

Jewish   2 2   1 4 1 7 4 9 8 7 8 11 3 11 3 5 5 1     1   93 1898.5
Russian     1   1     3 1 4   6 3 5 1 4 3 1           1 34 1898.7
Ukrainian           1   1   2 1   2 2 1   3   1           14 1899.1
Latvian   1     1   1 1 1 1 1                           7 1893.4
Belarusian                     1 1   1                     3 1898.3
Polish               1       1                         2 1896.0
Polish/German           1                                     1 1892.0
Armenian                                       1         1 1906.0
Georgian                   1                             1 1896.0
German                       1                         1 1898.0
Lithuanian                       1                         1 1898.0
Moldovan                         1                       1 1899.0
Known Nationality   3 3   3 6 2 13 6 17 11 17 14 19 5 15 9 6 6 2     1 1 159 1898.3
Unknown Nationality 1       1     1 1   5 2 1     1 3 2 3           21 1898.8
ALL 1 3 3   4 6 2 14 7 17 16 19 15 19 5 16 12 8 9 2     1 1 180 1898.5

Observations on the above table:

Note that the first Year of Birth column is 1881, and the second is 1888, and after that all year columns increase by one year.  Also, the year of birth was unavailable for one Ukrainian and for two officials of unknown nationality.

The guilty are beyond prosecution.  It is somewhat unfortunate that the information that the SBU is issuing concerns people born so long ago that most today are known to be dead, or must be assumed to be dead, or at best are so old as to be beyond prosecution.  Better to divulge information concerning those who are not so old, so that the torturers and butchers among them can be brought to justice.  One may go so far as to ask whether the Shapoval volume is not in fact part of an SBU public relations campaign aimed at giving the appearance of an open agency interested in cleaning house, when in reality it was pointing only at skeletons in order to distract attention from those who walk among us with blood on their hands.

From oldest to youngest: Latvians, Jews, Russians, Ukrainians.  But to get back to the data � of the three most numerous groups, year of birth differences were small, with Russians averaging 0.2 years younger than Jews, and Ukrainians averaging 0.6 years younger than Jews.  Other nationalities had too few cases to make their means worth looking at, with the possible exception of the 7 Latvians who averaged 5.1 years older than the Jews.

Of the three chief nationalities
comprising the Cheka-GPU-NKVD in Ukraine
� Jews, Russians, and Ukrainians �
Russians were almost as old as Jews
and Ukrainians averaged more than half a year younger.

The revolution devours its parents.  The Cheka-GPU-NKVD seems to have been largely a Jewish creation and the revolution ate its Jewish creators first and most voraciously.  Specifically, Shapoval often, but not always, lists the date of death and the cause.  In many cases, the official was shot by the state.  Altogether, 79 officials were shot; however, one of these was not shot until 1955.  Limiting our attention to those who were shot between 1936 and 1941 � that is, shot in the course of the Great Purge � leaves us with 78 shot. Out of our total of 183 officials, that makes 42.6% known to be shot during the Great Purge.  I omit from consideration any who died in prison, who committed suicide whether in prison or out, and of course any for whom no date of death is given, or no cause of death.  When the date of a shooting was not given, I assumed that the year was the same as the year of being sentenced to death.  One may summarize the chief finding with the statement that in the ranks of the Ukrainian Cheka-GPU-NKVD, the great purge amounted largely to Jews killing Jews, and more specifically with the following approximation:

Out of every 10 senior members
of the Cheka-GPU-NKVD in Ukraine
who were shot during the Great Purge:
7 were Jewish,
2 were Russian,
1 was other.

The details are as follows:

NATIONALITY Year of shooting Percent of
shot who
were of each
Percent of
that was shot
Percent of
unshot who
were of each
Jewish 1 14 19 4 10   48/72 = 66.7% 48/93 =  51.6% 1938.2 45/88 =  51.1%
Russian     3 2 6 2 13/72 = 18.1% 13/34 =  38.2% 1939.5 21/88 =  23.9%
Ukrainian   1     1   2/72 =  2.8% 2/15 =  13.3% 1938.5 13/88 =  14.8%
Latvian   1 4       5/72 =  6.9% 5/7 =  71.4% 1937.8 2/88 =   2.3%
Belarusian         2   2/72 =  2.8% 2/3 =  66.7% 1940.0 1/88 =   1.1%
Polish   1         1/72 =  1.4% 1/2 =  50.0% 1937.0 1/88 =   1.1%
Polish/German         1   1/72 =  1.4% 1/1 = 100.0% 1940.0 0/88 =   0.0%
Armenian                   1/88 =   1.1%
Georgian                   1/88 =   1.1%
German                   1/88 =   1.1%
Lithuanian                   1/88 =   1.1%
Moldovan                   1/88 =   1.1%
Known nation 1 17 26 6 20 2 72/72 = 100.0% 72/160 = 45.0% 1938.4 88/88 = 100.0%
Unknown nation   1   2 3 1 7 7/23 = 30.4% 1939.4 16
TOTAL 1 18 26 8 23 3 79 79/183 = 43.2% 1938.5 104

Other observations:

Jews were disproportionately targetted during the first wave.  The shootings seem to have come in two waves, with the main peak in 1938 and a secondary peak in 1940, with the intervening 1939 bringing a lull.  During the 1938 peak, 19/26 = 73.1% of those shot were Jewish; however, during the 1940 peak, only 10/20 = 50% of those shot were Jewish.

Jews were shot earlier than Russians.  The only two groups among whom there were sufficient executions to merit paying attention to the average year of execution are Jews and Russians, and from these it is clear that the executions of Jews took place earlier � the average year of execution for the 48 shot Jews being 1938.2 and for the 13 shot Russians being 1.3 years later, or 1939.5.  The very first execution in this sample was that of a Jew in 1936, and at least 15 Jews had been executed before the first Russian was executed.

Latvians were shot even earlier than Jews.  If we wanted to credit the mean year of execution for the 5 Latvians who are known to have been executed, we would say that their mean of 1937.8 antedated the mean for Jews by 0.4 years.

Proportion lost from greatest to least: Latvians, Jews, Russians, Ukrainians.  If we examine the four most numerous nationalities within the Cheka-GPU-NKVD in Ukraine, we find that the Latvians fared worst, losing 71.4% (5/7) of their members; Jews fared next worst, losing 51.6% (48/93); Russians next with 38.2% (13/34); and Ukrainians best with 13.3% (2/15).

Among the four most numerous nationaliites
within the Cheka-GPU-NKVD in Ukraine,
the proportion shot during the Great Purge was:
7 out of every ten Latvians,
5 out of every ten Jews,
4 out of every ten Russians,
1 out of every ten Ukrainians.

Jewish preponderance just slightly weakened.  Despite the fact that of the three leading nationalities, Jews were shot earliest and in the largest numbers, the hierarchy of the Cheka-GPU-NKVD experienced only a slight quantitative shift as a result of the shootings, with the rank ordering of nationalities according to prevalence remaining what it had been � namely Jews, Russians, Ukrainians, Latvians.  Whereas in the absence of the shootings, we summarized the ratios among every 10 members as 6 Jews, 2 Russians, 1 Ukrainian, and 1 other, the result of the shootings, rounded to the nearest digit out of 10, gives us 5 Jews, 2 Russians, 1 Ukrainian, and 2 others � in other words, Jews lost 1/10 and others gained 1/10 � such was the small quantitative shift which the Great Purge brought about in the nationalities distribution of the Cheka-GPU-NKVD.  The rough approximation:

Of every 10 senior members
of the Cheka-GPU-NKVD in Ukraine
who remained unshot during the Great Purge:
5 were Jewish,
2 were Russian,
1 was Ukrainian, and
2 were other.

Remaining Conclusions

The Latvians stand out.  Although the group characteristics of Jews, Russians, and Ukrainians within the Cheka-GPU-NKVD differ little (except for the size of the groups, of course, and except for statistics concerning purging), there is one group that does stand out on several measures, although the small size of this group in the Shapoval volume makes us wary of attributing great significance to its differences.  That is, compared to Jews, Russians, and Ukrainians, the Latvians � on the average � were older, held more senior ranks, were more likely to be purged, and were purged earlier.  Also, the only female in the Shapoval sample of 183 was a Latvian.

The first head of the Ukrainian Cheka was a Latvian.  The salience of the Latvians in the Shapoval statistics reminds us that the first head of the Ukrainian Cheka was the Latvian, Martin Latsis or Latzis (real name, Jan Sudrabs), who has been described as "particularly ruthless" (Sergey Petrovich Melgunov, The Red Terror in Russia, London, 1925, p. 23).  It is surprising to not find Latsis under any of his names in the Shapoval volume.

Melgunov's comment on the Latvians.  The salience of Latvians in the Shapoval volume reminds us as well of Melgunov's statement concerning the particular concentration of Latvians in the Russian Cheka (the "Extraordinary Commission" referred to is the same as the "Cheka" or "Che-Ka" as Melgunov's translator writes it, and "Letts" are "Latvians"):

As early as the year 1919 the All-Russian Che-Ka had come to have 2000 persons on its personal staff, with three-fourths of them natives of Latvia.  Indeed, Letts, from the beginning, obtained, and retained, a special position in this regard, and would be engaged by Che-Kas in batches of whole families, and render those Che-Kas faithful service.  Thus our modern Letts might be likened to the ancient mercenaries.  So much was this the case that the Muscovite Che-Ka came to be known as "the Lettish Colony."  A propos of the attraction which the institutions of Moscow had for Latvia's population, the Bulletin of the Left Social Revolutionary Party remarked: "Letts flock to the Extraordinary Commission of Moscow as folk emigrate to America, and for the same reason � to make their fortunes."  And the fact that very few Letts knew a single word of Russian was in no way held to disqualify those immigrants from being entrusted with inquisitions and domiciliary searches, or even with the filling in of returns.  Whence arose amusing anecdotes not wholly amusing to the victims.
Sergey Petrovich Melgunov, The Red Terror in Russia, London, 1925, pp. 248-249

The Shapoval biographies are not encyclopedic.  One might hope that coming across the name of a prominent member of the NKVD somewhere in Ukraine, one would be able to find that name in the Shapoval sample of 183.  Here, for example, is a mention of one such prominent member of the NKVD:

"We know from Stalin on down who ordered the action and who carried it out," Mr. Sniezko said.  Among those directly responsible for the murders were about 200 NKVD operatives.  An NKVD officer named Syromiatnikov, stationed in Kharkiv, was identified as a particularly bloody-handed officially sanctioned serial killer.  He is thought to have died in the late 1940s.
Andrij Wynnyckyj, Ukrainian Weekly, 3Dec95

An attempt to find "Syromiatnikov" among the Shapoval biographies, however, fails.  What is needed from the SBU, then, is work that is more thorough, biographies that are more exhaustive, more encyclopedic, more comprehensive.

Jewish conquest of the Slavs.  If similar statistics apply to Russia, then it would appear that the depiction of the Russian Revolution as the Jewish conquest of Russia may have some basis in fact, and if similar statistics apply to the rest of the Slavic world (that is, not only to the Russians and Ukrainians, but also to the Belarusians, the Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, Serbs, Croats, Bulgarians, and so on) then the Communist Revolution in the Slavic lands might be most succinctly summed up as the Jewish conquest of the Slavs.  The Great Purge, in turn, was not an overthrow by the Slavs of the Jews, but a more random blood bath whose incidental effect was only the most modest of weakenings of the Jewish hold over the Slavs, at least if the above statistics concerning the Ukrainian Cheka-GPU-NKVD are representative both of other ruling bodies and of other locations.

Contribution of Jewish ideology to Jewish history?  Knowing the leading role played by Jews in the bloodthirsty crimes of the Cheka-GPU-NKVD, in the torture and genocide committed after the Second World War in Poland against Germans, and in the bloodletting being committed today in the Middle East (as exemplified further in the shooting of reporters and the murder of POWs, the latter documented on the UKAR site both in my Letter 12 to Anne McLellan and in an article by Martin Cohn) � to mention just three categories of crimes � the question has to arise of whether there is not some ideology inculcated by Judaism that predisposes its followers to participate in movements marked by oppression, ruthlessness, and sadism.  I do not know enough about either Judaism or history to venture such a hypothesis on my own initiative, but as creditable students of Judaism and of history have already suggested exactly this hypothesis, I do feel bold enough merely to recommend that it not be discarded as an impossibility out of hand.  Readers interested in pursuing this topic can consult my summary of some of these ideological tenets of Judaism as they have been earlier discussed by Israel Shahak, Jewish History, Jewish Religion: The Weight of Three Thousand Years, Pluto Press, London and Boulder Colorado, 1994, and as well my broaching of the topic to Rabbi Yaakov Dov Bleich of Kyiv in my Letter 5 to him of 29Sep97.  Also relevant may be the acknowledgement that Jewish culture legitimizes and even commands revenge.

A minor paradox resolved.  It should go without saying that even if the Communist Revolution was controlled mostly by Jews, it does not follow that most Jews were either Communists or revolutionaries.  Rather, many writers go out of their way to comment that only a minority of Jews supported Bolshevism, most were indifferent, and some opposed it.  Thus, although in the first of the pair of quotations below, we see Hilaire Belloc unequivocally placing responsibility for the Russian Revolution at the feet of the Jews, yet in the second of the pair of quotations we find him unequivocally exonerating Jews in general from blame � a seeming paradox which a little thought demonstrates contains no contradiction:

It was the pure despotism of a clique, the leaders of which had been specially launched upon Russia under German direction in order to break down any chance of a revival of Russian military power, and all those leaders, without exception, were Jews, or held by the Jews through their domestic relations, and all that followed was done directly under the orders of Jews, the most prominent of whom was one Braunstein, who disguised himself under the assumed name of Trotsky.  A terror was set up, under which were massacred innumerable Russians of the governing classes, so that the whole framework of the Russian State disappeared.  Among these, of course, must specially be noted great numbers of the clergy, against whom the Jewish revolutionaries had a particular grudge.  A clean sweep was made of all the old social organization, and under the despotism of this Jewish clique the old economic order was reversed.
(Hilaire Belloc, The Jews, 1937, p. 58)

For the Bolshevist movement, or rather explosion, was Jewish.

That truth may be so easily confused with a falsehood that I must, at the outset, make it exact and clear.

The Bolshevist Movement was a Jewish movement, but not a movement of the Jewish race as a whole.  Most Jews were quite extraneous to it; very many indeed, and those of the most typical, abhor it; many actively combat it.  The imputation of its evils to the Jews as a whole is a grave injustice and proceeds from a confusion of thought whereof I, at any rate, am free.
(Hilaire Belloc, The Jews, 1937, p. 55)

Jews present obstacle to the rule of law in Ukraine.  One of Ukraine's most pressing needs today is to demonstrate the rule of law by punishing the most egregious violations of the law � namely torture, murder, genocide.  To the degree that the number of the guilty and the weakness of the law make this unfeasible, Ukraine then needs more than anything else to at least implement a Truth and Reconciliation Commission paralleling the Truth and Reconciliation Commission so wisely instituted in South Africa.  However, there is one huge obstacle standing in the way either of the punishment of the guilty or of inducing them to confess.  That obstacle is that a disproportionate number of the accused, or of those revealed to have committed crimes, might turn out to be Jews, with the result that Ukraine would be portrayed by a mindless world press as having gone on an anti-Semitic rampage.  Thus, one way that Jews continue to harm Ukraine today is by standing in the way of Ukraine demonstrating the power of its law to bring its torturers and its butchers to account, or the power of its righteousness to command its torturers and its butchers to at least confess.

Another motive for the Jewish calumniation of Ukraine.  There has been widely and repeatedly observed by Ukrainians in recent years � and has been amply but only partially documented within the Ukrainian Archive � the frequency, ferocity, and irrationality of the calumny heaped by Jews upon Ukrainians.  In the majority of cases, Ukrainians are stung, but fail to appreciate the underlying motivation.  The Ukrainians, expecting that their protests and corrective information have guaranteed that a similar attack will not recur, are lulled into a false sense of security, oblivious to the fact that the motivation behind the attack persists and rather guarantees a series of similar attacks stretching into the indefinite future.  And so when another attack does recur, the Ukrainians are just as astonished and uncomprehending as in the earlier attacks, just as busily mount their protests and issue their corrective information, and just as predictably achieve no security from future attack because they have just as blindly failed to understand the motivation behind the attack.

Discussed at length within the Ukrainian archive has been one such motive � the plundering of Ukrainian brains is promoted by the anxiety within Ukrainian Jews that the portrayal of Ukrainians as anti-Semites evokes.  However, the Shapoval statistics above suggest to us a second motive behind the Jewish calumny � that it is an attempt to discredit a weak victim before he becomes strong enough to point an accusing finger.  In other words, one possible reason that Jews incessantly paint the false image of themselves as victims of Ukrainians is because of the reality that Ukrainians have been among the foremost victims of Jews.  The Jewish hope may be that if the image of the Ukrainian as pogromist and sadistic camp guard is inculcated deeply enough, the accusation that the historical reality is one of Jews oppressing and murdering Ukrainians will seem mad, and will serve only to confirm the Jewish diagnosis of genetic anti-Semitism among Ukrainians.  And so as long as there is a Ukrainian memory of the horrors inflicted upon them and of who the perpetrators of those horrors were, it becomes in Jewish interests to undermine Ukraine, to keep it weak, to keep it poor, to keep it despised � because all of these militate against Ukraine's voice becoming strong enough to be heard and to be believed.

Is anti-Semitism gratuitous?  Anti-Semitism is a topic that not only arises often in the Western media, but one may say is pressed incessantly into our consciousness, and one of the conclusions concerning anti-Semitism that is repeatedly proposed, particularly by Jewish sources, is that it is and always has been gratuitous, that from the Jewish point of view it is an antagonism based not on "what we have done" but on "who we are."  What the Western media inculcates us to believe is that anti-Semitism is a variety of mental illness, and not a natural and understandable reaction to demonstrable provocation.  The closest that this view comes to identifying a cause is to point to Jewish success, particularly Jewish economic success, and to portray anti-Semitism as grounded in an envy of such success.

However, a more thoughtful examination of the phenomenon of anti-Semitism reveals many reasons for viewing it � at least in some of its manifestations � not as an irrational and unexplainable and gratuitous hatred, but as a natural and understandable antipathy arising from an acquaintance with Jewish misbehavior.  The Shapoval volume, then, provides us with one such reason why some Ukrainian anti-Semitism might exist.  The reason is that Ukrainians have been aware of the Jewish domination of the experiment in government through mass murder which went under the name of "Communism," and in which experiment Ukrainians more than any other peoples have been conscripted into playing the role of guinea pigs.

Revelant to the question of the degree to which anti-Semitism may be based on rational considerations is the Ukrainian Archive discussion of Warsaw's Alphonsenpogrom of May, 1905.

Terms of a truce.  Were I authorized to represent the Ukrainian position in negotiating with Jews a cessation of verbal hostilities, I might open with "If you stop fabricating lies about us, we will stop disclosing the truth about you."