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A memorial to victims of Stalin's regime stands in the Bykivnya forest near Kyiv

Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), Kyiv, Ukraine Friday, May 15, 2009

President Yushchenko says his country must confront its past. But critics say deeper
examination of authoritarianism and the starvation that killed millions could be dangerous.
By James Marson, Contributor to The Christian Science Monitor
The Christian Science Monitor, Boston, MA, Tuesday, May 5, 2009

New book commissioned by Harvard University Research Institute (HURI)
by Peter T. Woloschuk, The Ukrainian Weekly, No. 13
Ukrainian National Association, Parsippany, NJ, Sunday, March 29, 2009

'Soviet Genocide in Ukraine'
Journal of International Criminal Justice, Oxford Journals
Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK, Vol. 7 (No. 1), 2009; pg. 123-130

Charles Schlacks, Publisher, Idyllwild, CA, USA
Professor Roman Serbyn, Editor, Montreal, Quebec, Canada
Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Wash, D.C., Sat, Apr 18, 2009

The building where over 700 children starved to death in 1932–33 is still there
By Olha Bohlevska, Zaporizhia, The Day Weekly Digest
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, February 3, 2009

By Alina POPKOVA, The Day Weekly Digest in English #12
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, 14 April 2009

A memorial to victims of Stalin's regime stands in the Bykivnya forest near Kyiv

Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), Kyiv, Ukraine Friday, May 15, 2009

KYIV -- Ukrainian Security Service (SBU) officials have announced that they have determined the identities of 14,191 people killed by order of Soviet dictator Josef Stalin and buried in the Bykivnya forest outside of Kyiv.

Professor Vasyl Danylenko, of the SBU archives, told RFE/RL's Ukrainian Service that there are 18 places in Ukraine that were used to execute thousands of people during the Stalin era.

He said Bykivnya was heavily guarded in Soviet times and, though many executions were carried out in Kyiv, the dead were buried in mass graves at Bykivnya during the night. Before World War II, most executions were carried out directly in the forest with the victims lined up before ready-dug graves.

Danylenko said of the other 18 mass burial sites in Ukraine that have been identified, some are being used as parks, some have department stores built on them, or are serving as city cemeteries.

Ukraine will officially commemorate victims of political repression on May 17, 2009 when thousands of people will visit Bykivnya to pay their respects. Many people have erected signs on trees with the names of relatives they believe are buried there.
[return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
President Yushchenko says his country must confront its past. But critics say deeper
examination of authoritarianism and the starvation that killed millions could be dangerous.

By James Marson, Contributor to The Christian Science Monitor
The Christian Science Monitor, Boston, MA, Tuesday, May 5, 2009

KIEV, Ukraine - In 1933, Mykola Bokan travelled across the Chernihiv Region of Ukraine taking photographs of his starving compatriots. These were the victims of Holodomor, the "death by starvation" unleashed by Stalin that killed millions across Ukraine. The same year, Mr. Bokan was arrested and sent to a prison camp for 10 years. He didn't survive his sentence.

"Stories like this deepen our knowledge of our own history," says Volodymyr Vyatrovych, director of the archives at the state security service, or SBU, the KGB's successor in Ukraine. "That's why we want the maximum number of people possible to get to know these documents."

In January, Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko ordered state archives to declassify, publish, and study all documents relating to Holodomor, the Ukrainian independence movement, and political repressions during the Soviet period from 1917 to 1991.

There's a lot of work for Mr. Vyatrovych and his colleagues to get through: He estimates there are 800,000 documents from which to remove the "secret" seal.

"As a totalitarian system, the Soviet Union relied on the KGB. That means that these documents shed light on all aspects of Soviet life," he says.
The aim of the work is to make the documents available at digital reading rooms across the country and the Internet, and to publish collections. Vyatrovych says the publicity drive has already boosted interest, and not just among historians. "More and more people are coming to find out about relatives," he says.

Unlike many ex-Soviet states, such as neighboring Poland, Ukraine has seen limited attempts at lustration. The country's history, for centuries intertwined with its eastern neighbor Russia, is politically sensitive because of the polar opposite interpretations that people follow.

The Ukrainian Insurgent Army, or UPA, for example, which fought in World War II, was portrayed in the Soviet Union as Nazi collaborators. To many in Ukraine, however, they are freedom fighters and symbols of the anti-Soviet independence movement.

But since Yushchenko's dramatic rise to the presidency in the wake of the Orange Revolution in 2004, when hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians took to the streets to protest a rigged vote, he has made a concerted effort to draw attention to Ukraine's history. His main focus has been on promoting recognition of Holodomor as genocide of the Ukrainian people.

Although famine struck a number of areas in the Soviet Union as a result of Stalin's initiative to create collective farms, many historians argue that the famine was exacerbated in Ukraine in order to quell separatism and punish Ukrainians.

"Promoting a reappraisal of our history is one of Yushchenko's greatest achievements," says Stanislav Kulchytsky, one of Ukraine's most famous historians, who is best known for his pioneering work on Holodomor. "Sadly, it brings his popularity down, as many people are stuck in the old views they were brought up on."

The opening of the archives has not passed without controversy. Olha Ginzburg, a Communist Party member and head of the state archives committee, claims that all necessary files have already been declassified, and has opposed the publication of archival documents.

Vyatrovych counters that this may be true of some archives, but certainly not of his. "Some political forces don't want the documents to see the light of day because it will affect their popularity."

Some pro-Russian opposition politicians have criticized Yushchenko's drive as nationalistic and dangerous. But Vyatrovych says fears of social tensions are exaggerated.

"My colleagues in other ex-Soviet countries said that when they opened their secret service archives, people also told them not to do it as it would cause a civil war," he says. "But it didn't happen, and won't happen here. It's a myth."

Yushchenko's portrayal of Holodomor as genocide of the Ukrainian people has also raised hackles at the highest levels in Russia. Confrontations – particularly over gas – have erupted frequently since the Ukraine's Orange Revolution, as Russia has reacted angrily to what it sees as Ukraine's realignment with the West.

When Yushchenko organized a 75th-anniversary commemoration last November, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev refused to attend, accusing his Ukrainian counterpart in an open letter of "[using] the so-called 'Holodomor' … to achieve short-term political goals." A number of countries, including the United States, have recognized Holodomor as genocide.

While Yushchenko has pushed a highly critical approach to Soviet history, Russia has in recent years gone some way towards rehabilitating Stalin's image, portraying him in school textbooks as an "effective manager" whose actions were "entirely rational."
Ukrainian historians complain that access to some Russian archives is much more restricted than it was in the '90s, and numerous requests for cooperation have been rejected.

In February, a group of Russian archivists and historians presented a book of historical documents that they said showed that the famine was not directed specifically at Ukrainians. Vyatrovych welcomed the move, saying he is not concerned by the interpretation.

"We are pleased that we have provoked them to take this step," he says. "The most important thing is that the documents are put out there. They speak for themselves, and much louder than any interpretation that is attached to them."

But not everyone is listening. Professor Kulchytsky, the expert on Holodomor, complains that older generations aren't open to revising their Soviet views. "It was easy to end the economic totalitarianism after 1991," he says. "It's much harder to end totalitarianism in people's heads."

Yushchenko's focus on history has also irked many at a time when he is deeply unpopular at home and the economic crisis is hitting harder in Ukraine than anywhere else in Europe.

But Vyatrovych is adamant that his work has more than academic significance. "The mobilization of society to solve the many problems we have is only possible if it isn't torn apart," he says. "And we can only achieve that if we come to a better understanding of our past."

[return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
Ukraine Macroeconomic Report From SigmaBleyzer: 
New book commissioned by Harvard University Research Institute (HURI)

by Peter T. Woloschuk, The Ukrainian Weekly, No. 13
Ukrainian National Association, Parsippany, NJ, Sunday, March 29, 2009

CAMBRIDGE, Mass. – Harvard University’s Ukrainian Research Institute (HURI) announced that it has entered into an agreement with noted author, columnist and historian Anne Applebaum, commissioning her to research and write a new book on the Holodomor.

The book will take into account the most recent evidence that has become available since the collapse of the Soviet Union and will address current scholarly debates on the questions of genocide, intentionality and population loss. In preparation for this work, Ms. Applebaum attended HURI’s two-day International Conference on the Holodomor in November 2008 and had discussions with many of the experts and scholars assembled there.

Ms. Applebaum is currently completing her research for a new book on the Stalinization of post-war Central Europe and afterwards will begin work on the Holodomor book. She will officially join HURI as a research associate early this summer; it is envisioned that she will spend several years on the book project.

As part of her commitment, Ms. Applebaum has agreed to lecture periodically for HURI on her archival research and her findings, and to discuss the progress of her work. She will also make appearances in Kyiv.
Ms. Applebaum, who has indicated a particular interest in reviewing the volumes of eyewitness accounts that have been assembled throughout Ukraine,
will be assisted in her archival research in Ukraine by Tetiana Boriak, a scholar who received her candidate of sciences degree in history with additional specialization in archival and source studies from Taras Shevchenko Kyiv National University.

Ms. Boriak has previously assisted on other HURI-related projects: the translation from English into Ukrainian of the institute’s publication “Trophies
of War and Empire: The Archival Heritage of Ukraine: World War II and the International Politics of Restitution” by Patricia Kennedy Grimstead (2001).
Currently Ms. Boriak holds the position of senior teacher at the Department for Documental Communication of the State Academy of Executives in
Cultures and Arts.

Commenting on her commitment to the new Holodomor book project, Ms. Applebaum said, “The Harvard Ukrainian Institute has thought a good deal about this issue,” adding that HURI wishes “to approach (the Holodomor) in an objective and professional way. All of us understand the high emotions around the subject of the Famine, and we want its history to be told … as well as possible.”

This new book on the Holodomor is part of HURI’s larger ongoing Holodomor Research Project, which is overseen by a committee of Harvard scholars coordinated by Serhii Plokhii, Mykhailo Hrushevsky Professor of Ukrainian History.
As he discussed the book and the Holodomor Research Project, Prof. Plokhii said, “We certainly need a new and thorough work on the history of the
Great Famine in Ukraine. Since the publication of ‘The Harvest of Sorrow’ in 1986, the formerly secret Soviet Archives have been opened, new
publications have appeared, new questions have been asked, and HURI believes that its task now is to support a new interpretive research on the history of
Applebaum to write book on Holodomor New book commissioned by HURI the Holodomor that will take into account all these new developments in the field.”

“We are very excited that Anne Applebaum has agreed to take this task upon herself, and we expect that her book will not only open new vistas in research
on the Holodomor, but will also make new findings available to the broadest audience possible,” he noted.

HURI will also work with the Ukrainian Studies Fund (USF) in producing a series of booklets dealing with various aspects of the Holodomor as outreach
for the North American public.

The USF has been a co-sponsor of the Holodomor Research Project and has generously agreed to help underwrite much of the work. Dr. Roman Procyk
said of the project: “This work makes a lot of sense, especially today, when the post-colonial society in Ukraine is rethinking its past. This undertaking is
truly important and is an essential dimension of the overall effort to commemorate the Holodomor in the diaspora. It will have an immeasurable impact on future generations as they attempt to understand and deal with the Holodomor.”
Ms. Applebaum, 45, is a journalist and Pulitzer Prize-winning author who has written extensively about communism and the development of civil society in
Central and Eastern Europe. Born in Washington, she graduated from the prestigious Sidwell Friends School. She earned a B.A. (summa cum laude) from
Yale University in 1986, where she was elected to Phi Beta Kappa. As a Marshall Scholar at the London School of Economics, she earned a master’s degree. She studied at St Antony’s College, Oxford, before moving to Warsaw, Poland, in 1988.

Working for The Economist from 1988 to 1991, Ms. Applebaum provided coverage of important social and political transitions in Eastern Europe, both before and after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. She also covered the collapse of communism as the magazine’s Warsaw correspondent. In 1992 she was awarded the Charles Douglas-Home Memorial Trust Award.

Ms. Applebaum lived in London and Warsaw during the 1990s, and was for several years a widely read columnist for London’s Daily and Sunday  Telegraphs and the Evening Standard newspaper. She wrote about the workings of the British government, and opined on issues foreign and domestic.
Ms. Applebaum currently is a columnist for The Washington Post and Slate. She also writes for a number of other newspapers and magazines, including the
New York Review of Books. She was a member of the Washington Post editorial board in 2002-2006 and worked as the foreign and deputy editor of the Spectator magazine in London.

Her first book, “Between East and West: Across the Borderlands of Europe,” was a travelogue, and was awarded an Adolph Bentinck Prize in 1996. It
describes a journey that Ms. Applebaum took through Lithuania, Ukraine and Belarus, then on the verge of independence.
“Gulag: A History,” was published in 2003 and won the Pulitzer Prize for nonfiction in 2004. The Pulitzer committee said that Gulag was a “landmark work of historical scholarship and an indelible contribution to the complex, ongoing, necessary quest for truth.”

The book narrates the history of the Soviet concentration camp system and describes daily life in the camps, making extensive use of recently opened Russian archives, as well as memoirs and interviews. “Gulag: A History” has appeared in more than 40 languages, including Ukrainian.
When “Gulag” was released in its Ukrainian edition, Ms. Applebaum traveled to Kyiv, where she was warmly received by the public, as well as by academics, the media and experts on the Soviet penal system.

Over the years, Ms. Applebaum’s writings have also appeared in The Wall Street Journal, the Financial Times, the International Herald Tribune, Foreign
Affairs, The New Criterion, The Weekly Standard, The New Republic, The National Review, The New Statesman, The Independent, The Guardian, Prospect, Commentaire, Die Welt, Cicero, Gazeta Wyborcza, Dziennik and The Times Literary Supplement, as well as in several anthologies. Her Washington Post/Slate column appears in newspapers across the United States and around the world.

Ms. Applebaum has also lectured at numerous colleges and universities, including Yale and Columbia, the University of Heidelberg, the University of Zurich, the Humboldt University in Berlin, and Lafayette, Davidson and Williams colleges. In the spring of 2008 she was a fellow at the American
Academy in Berlin, Germany.
Ms. Applebaum is fluent in English, French, Polish and Russian. She is married to Radosław Sikorski, the Polish minister of foreign affairs. They have two
children, Alexander and Tadeusz. 
[return to index] [Action Ukraine Report (AUR) Monitoring Service]
'Soviet Genocide in Ukraine'
Journal of International Criminal Justice, Oxford Journals
Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK, Vol. 7 (No. 1), 2009; pg. 123-130
We publish below a piece by Raphael Lemkin (1901–1959) on the genocide of Ukrainians perpetrated, according to Lemkin, by the Soviet authorities between 1926 and 1946. This document was kindly brought to our attention by Roman Serbyn, Professor of History at the University of Québec at Montreal, who also supplied a transcript of the original text and wrote an introductory note.
The document was known to Lemkin specialists and experts in genocide, although most scholars have tended to ignore it, or to play it down (notable exceptions are J. Cooper, Ralph Lemkin and the Struggle for the Genocide Convention (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 253, as well as J.-L. Panné, ‘Rafaël Lemkin ou le pouvoir d’un sans-pouvoir’, in Rafaël Lemkin, Qu’est-ce qu’un génocide? Présentation par Jean-Louis Panné (Monaco: Édition du Rocher, 2008)). It seemed to us that this short article by Lemkin sheds much light on his view of genocide as the annihilation of a ‘national group’.    a.c.          . 

'Soviet Genocide in Ukraine' 
Introductory Note: by Roman Serbyn, Professor of History, Universite du Quebec a Montreal

Raphael Lemkin's essay, ‘Soviet Genocide in Ukraine’, is one of the earliest writings on the subject by a non-Ukrainian scholar. A note ‘Begin here’, scribbled in before the second paragraph, which begins with the words ‘What I want to speak about’, suggests that the text was originally composed for Lemkin's address at the 1953 Ukrainian Famine commemoration in New York.
Later Lemkin added it to the material he was gathering for his elaborate History of Genocide which was never published. (1) Lemkin's views on the Ukrainian tragedy are virtually unknown and hardly ever figure in scholarly exchanges on the Ukrainian famine of 1932–1933, or on genocides in general. (2) Yet his holistic approach to the Soviet regime's gradual destruction of the Ukrainian nation is enlightening and makes a valuable, if belated, addition to scholarly literature.

R. Lemkin was born in 1900 to a Jewish farming family in the village of Bezwodne, near the medieval Rus’ town of Volkovysk, now part of the Grodno region of Belarus. Before World War I the territory belonged to Russia, but after the break up of the Tsarist Empire it was incorporated into Poland. (3) Lemkin studied philology and law at the University of Lviv, where he became interested in the Turkish massacres of the Armenians during World War I.
After studying on a scholarship in Germany, France and Italy, he returned to Poland and pursued a career in the Polish courts of law, mainly in Warsaw. He continued his preoccupation with the problem of legal sanctions against perpetrators of mass exterminations and developed his ideas, which he later presented at various international conferences.
In 1930, Lemkin was appointed assistant prosecutor at the District Court of Berezhany, Tarnopil Province of Eastern Galicia (Western Ukraine) where he must have become aware of the collectivization, ‘dekulakization’ and the eventual Great Famine then devastating Soviet Ukraine. Some time later he obtained a similar position in Warsaw, where he also practised law and continued his writings on international law.

After the invasion of Poland by German and Soviet troops in 1939, Lemkin fled to Vilnius and then to Sweden where he lectured at the University of Stockholm. In early 1941, he managed to obtain a visa to the USSR, but then via Japan and Canada went to the United States. In April 1941, he was appointed ‘special lecturer’ at Duke University Law School in Durham, North Carolina. In 1944 he published "Axis Rule in Occupied Europe," which he had started writing in Sweden. (4) The study is a thoroughly documented exposé on German crimes in Europe.
The book contains the first mention of the term ‘genocide’, which has become a generic name not only for the Nazi atrocities but for all mass destructions. The author's relentless lobbying, backed by the prestige of the book, finally succeeded in swaying the United Nations Organization to adopt the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, whose fitting 60th anniversary we are commemorating this year.

After World War II, Lemkin devoted his life to the further development of legal concepts and norms for containing mass destructions and punishing their perpetrators. After the fall of Nazism, Lemkin saw the main threat in Communism, which had overrun his native Poland. Towards the end of his life, he had close relations with the Ukrainian and Baltic communities in the United States. In 1953, he took part in the commemoration of the Great Famine by the New York Ukrainian community.
His essay on the Ukrainian genocide shows his empathy for the plight of Ukrainian victims of Communism and Russian imperialism, not only of the Great Famine of the early thirties but also of the periods that precede and followed this tragic event. Lemkin's essay, based on personal observations and supplemented with emotionally charged testimony provided by the Ukrainian community, may appear sketchy and naïve today.
Yet his comments offer an insight that is often lacking in the work of recent authors who can benefit from the documentation unavailable to Lemkin. He rightly extends the discussion of Ukrainian genocide beyond the peasants starving in 1932–1933, and speaks about the destruction of the intelligentsia and the Church, the ‘brain’ and the ‘soul’ of the nation. He puts emphasis on the preservation and development of culture, beliefs and common ideas, which make Ukraine ‘a nation rather than a mass of people’.

Lemkin's essay is being reproduced here with minor updating of terminology (Ukraine instead of ‘the Ukraine’, Romanian instead of ‘Rumanian’ and Tsarist instead of ‘Czarist’) and the transliteration of Ukrainian names from Ukrainian. 

By Rafael Lemkin (5)
          ‘Love Ukraine’
          You cannot love other peoples 
          Unless you love Ukraine. (6)

The mass murder of peoples and of nations that has characterized the advance of the Soviet Union into Europe is not a new feature of their policy of expansionism, it is not an innovation devised simply to bring uniformity out of the diversity of Poles, Hungarians, Balts, Romanians — presently disappearing into the fringes of their empire. Instead, it has been a long-term characteristic even of the internal policy of the Kremlin — one which the present masters had ample precedent for in the operations of Tsarist Russia. It is indeed an indispensable step in the process of ‘union’ that the Soviet leaders fondly hope will produce the ‘Soviet Man’, the ‘Soviet Nation’ and to achieve that goal, that unified nation, the leaders of the Kremlin will gladly destroy the nations and the cultures that have long inhabited Eastern Europe.

What I want to speak about is perhaps the classic example of Soviet genocide, its longest and broadest experiment in Russification — the destruction of the Ukrainian nation. This is, as I have said, only the logical successor of such Tsarist crimes as the drowning of 10,000 Crimean Tatars by order of Catherine the Great, the mass murders of Ivan the Terrible's ‘SS troops’ — the Oprichnina; the extermination of National Polish leaders and Ukrainian Catholics by Nicholas I; and the series of Jewish pogroms that have stained Russian history periodically. And it has had its matches within the Soviet Union in the annihilation of the Ingerian nation, the Don and Kuban Cossacks, the Crimean Tatar Republics, the Baltic Nations of Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia. Each is a case in the long-term policy of liquidation of non-Russian peoples by the removal of select parts.

Ukraine constitutes a slice of Southeastern USSR equal in area to France and Italy, and inhabited by some 30 million people.7 Itself the Russian bread basket, geography has made it a strategic key to the oil of the Caucasus and Iran, and to the entire Arab world. In the north, it borders Russia proper. As long as Ukraine retains its national unity, as long as its people continue to think of themselves as Ukrainians and to seek independence, so long Ukraine poses a serious threat to the very heart of Sovietism. It is no wonder that the Communist leaders have attached the greatest importance to the Russification of this independent[-minded] member of their ‘Union of Republics’, have determined to remake it to fit their pattern of one Russian nation. For the Ukrainian is not and has never been, a Russian. His culture, his temperament, his language, his religion — all are different. At the side door to Moscow, he has refused to be collectivized, accepting deportation, even death. And so it is peculiarly important that the Ukrainian be fitted into the Procrustean pattern of the ideal Soviet man.

Ukraine is highly susceptible to racial murder by select parts and so the Communist tactics there have not followed the pattern taken by the German attacks against the Jews. The nation is too populous to be exterminated completely with any efficiency. However, its leadership, religious, intellectual, political, its select and determining parts, are quite small and therefore easily eliminated, and so it is upon these groups particularly that the full force of the Soviet axe has fallen, with its familiar tools of mass murder, deportation and forced labour, exile and starvation.

The attack has manifested a systematic pattern, with the whole process repeated again and again to meet fresh outbursts of national spirit. [1] The first blow is aimed at the intelligentsia, the national brain, so as to paralyse the rest of the body. In 1920, 1926 and again in 1930–1933, teachers, writers, artists, thinkers, political leaders, were liquidated, imprisoned or deported. According to the Ukrainian Quarterly of Autumn 1948, 51,713 intellectuals were sent to Siberia in 1931 alone. At least 114 major poets, writers and artists, the most prominent cultural leaders of the nation, have met the same fate. It is conservatively estimated that at least 75% of the Ukrainian intellectuals and professional men in Western Ukraine, Carpatho–Ukraine and Bukovina have been brutally exterminated by the Russians (ibid., Summer 1949).

[2] Going along with this attack on the intelligentsia was an offensive against the churches, priests and hierarchy, the ‘soul’ of Ukraine. Between 1926 and 1932, the Ukrainian Orthodox Autocephalous Church, its Metropolitan (Lypkivsky) and 10,000 clergy were liquidated. In 1945, when the Soviets established themselves in Western Ukraine, a similar fate was meted out to the Ukrainian Catholic Church. That Russification was the only issue involved is clearly demonstrated by the fact that before its liquidation, the Church was offered the opportunity to join the Russian Patriarch[ate] at Moscow, the Kremlin's political tool.

Only two weeks before the San Francisco conference, on 11 April 1945, a detachment of NKVD troops surrounded the St George Cathedral in Lviv and arrested Metropolitan Slipyj, two bishops, two prelates and several priests. (8) All the students in the city's theological seminary were driven from the school, while their professors were told that the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church had ceased to exist, that its Metropolitan was arrested and his place was to be taken by a Soviet-appointed bishop. These acts were repeated all over Western Ukraine and across the Curzon Line in Poland. (9) At least seven bishops were arrested or were never heard from again. There is no Bishop of the Ukrainian Catholic Church still free in the area. Five hundred clergy who met to protest the action of the Soviets, were shot or arrested.
Throughout the entire region, clergy and laity were killed by hundreds, while the number sent to forced labour camps ran into the thousands. Whole villages were depopulated. In the deportation, families were deliberately separated, fathers to Siberia, mothers to the brickworks of Turkestan and the children to Communist homes to be ‘educated’. For the crime of being Ukrainian, the Church itself was declared a society detrimental to the welfare of the Soviet state, its members were marked down in the Soviet police files as potential ‘enemies of the people’. As a matter of fact, with the exception of 150,000 members in Slovakia, the Ukrainian Catholic Church has been officially liquidated, its hierarchy imprisoned, its clergy dispersed and deported.

These attacks on the Soul have also had and will continue to have a serious effect on the Brain of Ukraine, for it is the families of the clergy that have traditionally supplied a large part of the intellectuals, while the priests themselves have been the leaders of the villages, their wives the heads of the charitable organizations. The religious orders ran schools, and took care of much of the organized charities.

[3] The third prong of the Soviet plan was aimed at the farmers, the large mass of independent peasants who are the repository of the tradition, folklore and music, the national language and literature, the national spirit, of Ukraine. The weapon used against this body is perhaps the most terrible of all — starvation. Between 1932 and 1933, 5,000,000 Ukrainians starved to death, an inhumanity which the 73rd Congress decried on 28 May 1934. (10)
There has been an attempt to dismiss this highpoint of Soviet cruelty as an economic policy connected with the collectivization of the wheat-lands, and the elimination of the kulaks, the independent farmers, was therefore necessary. The fact is, however, that large-scale farmers in Ukraine were few and far-between. As a Soviet politician Kosior (11) declared in Izvestiia on 2 December 1933, ‘Ukrainian nationalism is our chief danger’, and it was to eliminate that nationalism, to establish the horrifying uniformity of the Soviet state that the Ukrainian peasantry was sacrificed.
The method used in this part of the plan was not at all restricted to any particular group. All suffered — men, women and children. The crop that year was ample to feed the people and livestock of Ukraine, though it had fallen off somewhat from the previous year, a decrease probably due in large measure to the struggle over collectivization. But a famine was necessary for the Soviet and so they got one to order, by plan, through an unusually high grain allotment to the state as taxes. To add to this, thousands of acres of wheat were never harvested, and left to rot in the fields. The rest was sent to government granaries to be stored there until the authorities had decided how to allocate it. Much of this crop, so vital to the lives of the Ukrainian people, ended up as exports for the creation of credits abroad.

In the face of famine on the farms, thousands abandoned the rural areas and moved into the towns to beg food. Caught there and sent back to the country, they abandoned their children in the hope that they at least might survive. In this way, 18,000 children were abandoned in Kharkiv alone. Villages of a thousand had a surviving population of a hundred; in others, half the populace was gone, and deaths in these towns ranged from 20 to 30 per day. Cannibalism became commonplace.

As C. [read instead W.] Henry Chamberlain, the Moscow correspondent of the Christian Science Monitor, wrote in 1933: The Communists saw in this apathy and discouragement, sabotage and counter-revolution, and, with the ruthlessness peculiar to self-righteous idealists, they decided to let the famine run its course with the idea that it would teach the peasants a lesson.

Relief was doled out to the collective farms, but on an inadequate scale and so late that many lives had already been lost. The individual peasants were left to shift for themselves; and much higher mortality rate among the individual peasants proved a most potent argument in favor of joining collective farms.

[4] The fourth step in the process consisted in the fragmentation of the Ukrainian people at once by the addition to the Ukraine of foreign peoples and by the dispersion of the Ukrainians throughout Eastern Europe. In this way, ethnic unity would be destroyed and nationalities mixed. Between 1920 and 1939, the population of Ukraine changed from 80% Ukrainian to only 63%.12 In the face of famine and deportation, the Ukrainian population had declined absolutely from 23.2 million to 19.6 million, while the non-Ukrainian population had increased by 5.6 million. When we consider that Ukraine once had the highest rate of population increase in Europe, around 800,000 per year, it is easy to see that the Russian policy has been accomplished.

These have been the chief steps in the systematic destruction of the Ukrainian nation, in its progressive absorption within the new Soviet nation. Notably, there have been no attempts at complete annihilation, such as was the method of the German attack on the Jews. And yet, if the Soviet programme succeeds completely, if the intelligentsia, the priests and the peasants can be eliminated, Ukraine will be as dead as if every Ukrainian were killed, for it will have lost that part of it which has kept and developed its culture, its beliefs, its common ideas, which have guided it and given it a soul, which, in short, made it a nation rather than a mass of people.

The mass, indiscriminate murders have not, however, been lacking — they have simply not been integral parts of the plan, but only chance variations. Thousands have been executed, untold thousands have disappeared into the certain death of Siberian labour camps.

The city of Vinnitsa might well be called the Ukrainian Dachau. In 91 graves there lie the bodies of 9,432 victims of Soviet tyranny, shot by the NKVD in about 1937 or 1938. Among the gravestones of real cemeteries, in woods, with awful irony, under a dance floor, the bodies lay from 1937 until their discovery by the Germans in 1943. Many of the victims had been reported by the Soviets as exiled to Siberia.

Ukraine has its Lidice too, in the town of Zavadka, destroyed by the Polish satellites of the Kremlin in 1946. (13) Three times, troops of the Polish Second Division attacked the town, killing men, women and children, burning houses and stealing farm animals. During the second raid, the Red commander told what was left of the town's populace: ‘The same fate will be met by everyone who refuses to go to Ukraine. I therefore order that within three days the village be vacated; otherwise, I shall execute every one of you.’ (14)

When the town was finally evacuated by force, there remained only 4 men among the 78 survivors. During March of the same year, nine other Ukrainian towns were attacked by the same Red unit and received more or less similar treatment.

What we have seen here is not confined to Ukraine. The plan that the Soviets used there has been and is being repeated. It is an essential part of the Soviet programme for expansion, for it offers the quick way of bringing unity out of the diversity of cultures and nations that constitute the Soviet Empire. That this method brings with it indescribable suffering for millions of people has not turned them from their path. If for no other reason than this human suffering, we would have to condemn this road to unity as criminal. But there is more to it than that.
This is not simply a case of mass murder. It is a case of genocide, of destruction, not of individuals only, but of a culture and a nation. If it were possible to do this even without suffering we would still be driven to condemn it, for the family of minds, the unity of ideas, of language and of customs that form what we call a nation that constitutes one of the most important of all our means of civilization and progress.
It is true that nations blend together and form new nations — we have an example of this process in our own country — but this blending consists in the pooling of benefits of superiorities that each culture possesses. (15) And it is in this way that the world advances. What then, apart from the very important question of human suffering and human rights that we find wrong with Soviet plans is the criminal waste of civilization and of culture. For the Soviet national unity is being created, not by any union of ideas and of cultures, but by the complete destruction of all cultures and of all ideas save one — the Soviet. 

(1)  Raphael Lemkin Papers, The New York Public Library, Manuscripts and Archives Division, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundation, Raphael Lemkin ZL-273. Reel 3. The paper by Lemkin reproduced here has been published in L.Y. Luciuk (ed.), "Holodomor - Reflections on the Great Famine of 1932–1933 in Soviet Ukraine" (Kingston, Ontario: The Kashtan Press, 2008), Appendix A, and will be republished in a new Journal: "Holodomor Studies (2009)."

(2)  A notable exception is J.L. Panné, ‘Rafaël Lemkin ou le pouvoir d’un sans-pouvoir’, in R. Lemkin (ed.), "Qu’est-ce qu’un génocide? Présentation par Jean-Louis Panné" (Monaco: Édition du Rocher, 2008) 7–66. 

(3) Bibliographical data gathered from R. Szawlowski, ‘Raphael Lemkin (1900–1959) The Polish Lawyer Who Created the Concept of "Genocide" ’, 2 "Polish International Affairs" (2005) 98–133; Panné, supra note 2. 

(4)  R. Lemkin, "Axis Rule in Occupied Europe: Laws of Occupation, Analysis of Government, Proposals for Redress" (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1944), xii–xiii. 

(5)  If no indication to the contrary is given, footnotes are by Prof. Serbyn. 

(6)  Verse by Volodymyr Sosyura added in pencil. Sosiura wrote the patriotic poem in 1944, during the German–Soviet war. At first it was praised by the authorities, but in 1948 it was condemned for Ukrainian nationalism. The two verses in the Ukrainian original: [would not reproduce here]   

(7) According to the 1959 census there were then a little over 40 million people. 

(8) The Charter creating the United Nations was signed by the delegates of 50 countries, including the USSR and the Ukrainian SSR, at the Conference held on 25–26 April 1945. 

(9) The Curzon Line proposed by the British as a border between Poland and the Soviet state after the First World War eventually served as the basis for the post-World War II border between Poland and the USSR. The border left a large Ukrainian minority in the Polish state. 

(10) On 28 May 1934, Congressman Hamilton Fish of New York introduced a Resolution (H. Res. 309) in the House of Representatives, in Washington. The document stipulated that ‘several millions of the population of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic died of starvation during 1932 and 1933’. The resolution further proposed:
          that the House of Representatives express its sympathy for all those who suffered from the great famine in Ukraine which has brought misery,
          affliction, and death to millions of peaceful and law-abiding Ukrainians;

         ‘that ... the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics ... take active steps to alleviate the terrible consequences arising from this famine,
         ‘that ... the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Government ... place no obstacles in the way of American citizens seeking to send aid in form of
         money, foodstuffs, and necessities to the famine-stricken regions of Ukraine.

The Resolution was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations (Resolution reproduced in "The Ukrainian Quarterly" (1978) 416–417). 
(11) Erroneously identified by Lemkin as ‘Soviet writer Kossies’, Stanislav Kosior was the First Secretary of the Communist Party (Bolshevik) of Ukraine (CP(b)U). In a speech delivered at the Joint session of the Central Committee and the Central Control Committee of the CP(b)U, on 27 November 1933, Kosior stated that ‘at the present moment, local Ukrainian nationalism poses the main danger’. 

(12) There was no census in 1920. The official figures from the 1926 and 1939 census are somewhat different from Lemkin's. In 1926, there were 22.9 million ethnic Ukrainians in Ukrainian SSR and the falsified 1939 figure showed 23.3 million, or an increase of 435,000 ethnic Ukrainians. However, the rise in over-all population of Ukrainian SSR by 3.3 million reduced the ethnically Ukrainian portion from 80% to 73%. 

(13)  On 10 June 1942, 172 males over the age of 16 years were liquidated, the women and children deported and the village of Lidice razed to the ground in reprisal for the assassination of the Nazi dictator of Moravia, Reinhard Heydrich. Zavadka Morokhivs’ka, Sianits’kyi povit, Lemkivshchyna, now Zawadka-Morochowska, in Poland. 

(14) From W. Dushnyck, "Death and Devastation on the Curzon Line" (note by R.L.). 

(15) Lemkin had in mind the United States.  
NOTE: The Journal of International Criminal Justice aims to promote a profound collective reflection on the new problems facing international law.
Established by a group of distinguished criminal lawyers and international lawyers, the Journal addresses the major problems of justice from the angle of law, jurisprudence, criminology, penal philosophy, and the history of international judicial institutions. It is intended for graduate and post-graduate students, practitioners, academics, government officials, as well as the hundreds of people working for international criminal courts.

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Charles Schlacks, Publisher, Idyllwild, CA, USA
Professor Roman Serbyn, Editor, Montreal, Quebec, Canada
Action Ukraine Report (AUR), Wash, D.C., Sat, Apr 18, 2009

IDYLLWILD, CA - The first issue of the semi-annual "HOLODOMOR STUDIES" journal has just been published. This unique journal is the first and the only periodical of its kind devoted completely to the analysis of the Ukrainian genocide in all its aspects. 
The publication will be instrumental in the dissemination of information about the Ukrainian catastrophe and will contribute to the understanding of this critical event in the history of the Ukrainian nation and the world community by the Ukrainians and non-Ukrainians alike.  Contributions submitted for possible publication should be sent to the editor, Professor Roman Serbyn, in e-mail format at [email protected].  The number two issue of the new "Holodomor Studies" journal is expected to be available in August-September of 2009. 
Annual subscription rates to the semi-annual "Holodomor Studies" journal are: Institutions - $40.00; Individuals - $20.00, plus postage: for the USA - $6.00; for Canada - $12.00; for other Countries - $20.00. The new "Holodomor Studies" journal may be ordered from: Charles Schlacks, Publisher, P.O. Box 1256, Idyllwild, CA 92549-1256, USA, e-mail: [email protected].
The first issue of the "Holodomor Studies" journal contains the following material:
PUBLISHER'S PREFACE - Charles Schlacks
EDITOR'S FOREWORD -   Roman Serbyn
      -  Lemkin on the Ukrainian Genocide -  Roman Serbyn
      -  Soviet Genocide in Ukraine -  Raphael Lemkin

-   Competing Memories of Communist and Nazis Crimes in Ukraine - Roman Serbyn
-   The Soviet Nationalities Policy Change of 1933, or Why "Ukrainian Nationalism" Became the Main Threat to Stalin in Ukraine - Hennadii Yefimenko
-   Foreign Diplomats on the Famine in Ukraine - Yuriy Shapoval
-   "Blacklists" as a Tool of the Soviet Genocide in Ukraine - Heorhii Papakin
-  The Question of the Holodomor in Ukraine in 1932-1933 in the Polish Diplomatic and Intelligence Reports - Robert Kuśnierz

-  The Great Famine of 1933 and the Ukrainian Lobby at the League of Nations and the International Red-Cross - Roman Serbyn, compiler and editor

-  History That Divides - Mykola Riabchuk
Annual subscription rates to the semi-annual "Holodomor Studies" journal are: Institutions - $40.00; Individuals - $20.00, plus postage: for the USA - $6.00; for Canada - $12.00; for other Countries - $20.00. The new "Holodomor Studies" journal may be ordered from: Charles Schlacks, Publisher, P.O. Box 1256, Idyllwild, CA 92549-1256, USA, e-mail: [email protected].
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The building where over 700 children starved to death in 1932–33 is still there
By Olha Bohlevska, Zaporizhia, The Day Weekly Digest
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, February 3, 2009
Hard facts have been established, revealing the horrible truth about the death of small inmates of an orphanage in downtown Zaporizhia 75 years ago. The city learned the tragic story after the city council’s commission on toponyms began discussing the possibility of installing a memorial sign dedicated to the inmates of the Children’s Home who died in 1932–33.
The evidence, which was discovered almost accidentally, is hair-raising: over 700 inmates of the orphanage, aged between one day and four years, died within a year and a half. Most often the cause of death, as recorded in the archives, was emaciation, intoxication, gastritis, and others. In fact, the small children died of chronic undernourishment. The horrible specter of the Holodomor caught up with them where they were supposed to be rescued and cared for.
Children’s cases were found in the archives a year ago, long before the official measures regarding the Holodomor, by Anatolii Peniok, an amateur ethnographer and foreman at the Zaporizhstal Steelworks. “We learned about the death of 30 orphanage inmates back in 1993 but were unable to locate the institution, he says, so I decided to find it and started digging up the state archives.”
Leafing through public registry files of what was at the time Stalin district, reading handwritten entries faded with time, Peniok came across a large number of death certificates relating to infants and pointing to the same location: Children’s Home at 7 Rosa Luxembug St., or just a children’s home, without an address but with the same names of the medical staff.
He checked the records from May 21, 1932, through Nov. 30, 1933 and meticulously copied the children’s names, drawing up a list of 755 names. Peniok feels sure that a further study of these documents would reveal quite a few silent tragedies.

I have followed in the footsteps of the above-mentioned foreman and the archivists who were tasked with answering a request from the Zhovtnevy district city state administration, and studied the demographic records. I could not help crying as I turned the pages of archival documents. Not a single day would pass at the orphanage without a small inmate’s death; sometimes five to six deaths were registered within 24 hours. Nine children died on May 21, 1933, when the famine was exacerbated by a measles epidemic.

The names of many children are proof of their status as foundlings (e.g., Yurii Dniprostroi, Ivan Stantsiiny, Mykola Fevralsky, Frosia Yuzhna, Nina Dyspanserna, etc.). After exhausting the list of ordinary names, the orphanage’s personnel turned to those of past celebrities: Bernard Shaw, Anna Akhmetova (sic), Lesia Ukrainka, and so on. Yet children died all the same.

Peniok’s discovery became known to Dr. Fedir Turchenko, who holds a Ph.D. in History and is a member of the Zaporizhia City Council’s commission on toponyms. He was in charge of the Zaporizhia volume of the National Book of Memory: victims of the 1932–33 Holodomor in Ukraine.
He was stunned by the functionaries’ cynicism at the time: “That orphanage was … on Rosa Luxemburg St., where there also was the prosecutor’s office, district council, finance department, and other institutions. The Soviet bureaucrats could not have been ignorant of what was happening in a building they passed by every day on their way to work.”

Referring to official documents, Dr. Turchenko notes that the children’s homes in what is now Zaporizhia oblast and what was then part of Dnipropetrovsk oblast had some 40,000 inmates. Peasant parents would often purposefully abandon their babies in that relatively well-supplied industrial area, hoping the foundlings would be spared death by starvation. Vain hopes.

Turchenko is sure that the Soviet civil servants did not suffer from the famine because they received food from special distribution centers that did not cater to the public at large. Proof of this is an archival directive establishing food rations for the senior officials of the Melitopil district executive committee (the first figure indicates the amount per the head of the family and the second one, per a dependent of up to 14 years of age): 600-800/400 grams of bread and 1.0/0.5 kilogram of cereals were part of the daily rations.
The monthly rations included 3.5 kilograms/500 grams of meat; 1.5 kilogram/400 grams of sugar, etc. It stands to reason that the bureaucrats in Zaporizhia did not have poorer rations than their counterparts in the province.

The street that used to bear the name of Rosa Luxemburg now boasts the name of another revolutionary, Felix Dzerzhinsky. Building No. 7 now accommodates the state treasury department and a veterinary clinic. Historians do not have direct evidence that this building once housed the orphanage, but the probability is very high.
It is an old structure, located at an intersection, just like that Children’s Home in the 1930s. Be that as it may, the initiators of the memorial project believe that the main thing is not the exact address but the memories of innocent children’s souls.

“It would be improper to remind people who work here of the sad events of the past every day,” says Mykhailo Levchenko, a member of the commission on toponyms, “so we agreed on a memorial plaque on the wall joining building No. 7 and the next building.”

The initiative of the city council members and the public has been supported by the experts at the city’s architecture and urban planning directorate. Hopefully, the red tape that started last spring will finally end and memories of the children who happened to be born in that horrible period will not sink into oblivion.
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By Alina POPKOVA, The Day Weekly Digest in English #12
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, 14 April 2009

The legislative assembly of Canada’s province Ontario has passed a law by a unanimous vote for the first time in its history. According to the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry Spokesman Vasyl Kyrylych, the law established the fourth Saturday in November each year as Holodomor Memorial Day in Ontario to commemorate the genocide by famine that occurred in Ukraine from 1932 to 1933.

The bill was proposed by representatives of all the political parties in Ontario’s parliament: Dave Levac (Liberal Party), Cheri DiNovo (New Democratic Party), and Frank Klees (Progressive Conservative Party). “The memorial day,” Levac said, “will provide an opportunity to reflect on and to educate the public about crimes against humanity that occurred in Ukraine from 1932 to 1933 under the Stalin regime, when as many as 10 million people perished in a man-made famine and genocide. We must speak about these ugly things so they do not repeat in the future.”

He was supported by Cheri DiNovo who noted: “Those who fought long and hard to have Holodomor commemorated deserve the Legislature’s thanks. You are an example to the world, to those who deny oppression and who deny totalitarianism still… A very ugly silence has been broken.”
According to MPP Frank Kless, “a tragedy in which, at its worst, 25,000 people died every single day in a region considered the Soviet Union’s breadbasket, traumatized a nation, leaving its people with deep social, psychological, political scars.” Attending the legislative hearings were A. Danyleiko, Consul-General of Ukraine in Toronto, Archbishop Yurii of Toronto and Eastern Canada, and representatives of Ukrainian civic organizations in Canada.

It will be recalled that on April 6 the genocide of Ukrainians was condemned by the municipality of Santa Susana, Catalonia. The historical fact of the 1932–33 Holodomor has been officially recognized by more than 70 countries. The presidents and heads of government and parliaments of 26 counties called the Holodomor an act of genocide.
Of great political importance was a joint statement on the 70th anniversary of the 1932–33 great famine (Holodomor) in Ukraine adopted, as an official document, by the 58th session of the UN General Assembly. The statement, essentially a declaration, was cosponsored by 36 UN member states. The 1932–1933 events were thus recognized as national tragedy and have been called Holodomor since then at the international level.

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