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CNA Corporation | 01Nov2015 | Vera Zakern, Paul Saunders and Daniel
Antoun
https://www.cna.org/CNA_files/PDF/DOP-2015-U-011689-1Rev.pdf
Mobilizing Compatriots:
Russia's Strategy,
Tactics, and Influence in the Former
Soviet Union
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Executive Summary
Understanding the Russian government’s attitudes and policies toward
ethnic Russians, Russian speakers, and others with ties to the Russian
Federation in other former Soviet countries has become critically
important in the wake of Moscow’s seizure of Crimea and support for
eastern Ukrainian separatists -- both of which Russia has justified as
necessary to defend these populations. In this paper, we have sought to
provide a preliminary assessment of Moscow’s perspectives, policies,
strategic calculus, and operational instruments in dealing with these
groups, which the Russian government describes as sootechestvenniki,
or “compatriots.”
Russia’s government defines the term compatriots broadly
to incorporate not only ethnic Russians and Russian speakers but also
their families as well as others who may have cultural or other
connections to the Russian Federation -- including its non-Russian
ethnic groups -- directly or through relatives. Compatriots may have
descended from former subjects of the tsarist empire or Soviet-era
migrants (including those encouraged to resettle as a part of the
USSR’s Russification policies) or may have migrated more recently. The
countries with the largest shares of ethnic Russians in their
populations are Estonia, Kazakhstan, and Latvia (23-27%) and Ukraine
(17%).
Russian foreign policy and decision-making
Moscow has identified protection of and support for compatriot
populations as a foreign policy priority since shortly after Russia’s
independence, and official Russian foreign policy and national security
documents routinely cite it as such. Nevertheless, in practical terms,
Russian compatriots have often been more visible as instruments of
broader Russian foreign aims than as objects of Russian policy
themselves. Thus Russia’s compatriot policy is best analyzed within the
context of the Russian government’s overall foreign policy goals as
well as its objectives within its immediate neighborhood -- the former
Soviet region.
Though Russia’s foreign policy conduct is increasingly assertive, in
our judgment Russian president Vladimir Putin sees Russia as a
conservative power acting in defense of its own vital interests in the
region and elsewhere. This is the case even in Syria, where Moscow sees
a serious threat in the potential return of Russian Federation citizens
and citizens of other former Soviet states (probably including some
Russian compatriots) to their home countries to promote violent
extremist ideologies and conduct terrorist attacks. Closer to Russia,
President Putin -- and most of Russia’s foreign policy elite and public
-- sees his country as a great power, something that inherently
requires stability and a generally secure environment within its
neighborhood so that it can exercise its appropriate role on the global
stage. This in turn calls for significant influence in the former
Soviet region.
That said, President Putin’s decision-making often appears tactical
rather than strategic and few if any within his inner circle seem to
challenge his perspectives, goals, or approaches in defining Russia’s
foreign and national security policy. Russia’s seizure of Crimea and
support for eastern Ukraine’s separatist forces fit this pattern. While
the former move was immediately successful, it has created a variety of
predictable challenges and dilemmas for Russian policy -- especially in
view of the limited financial and military commitment Mr. Putin has
made so far in the Donbas.
In seeking to influence the former Soviet region, Russian compatriots
can be useful to Moscow in many ways. Their very existence strengthens
Russia’s argument that there is a “Russian world” (Russkiy mir) larger
than Russia itself that lends legitimacy to both Russia’s great power
status and its regional aspirations. To the extent that they identify
with Russia not only culturally but also politically, Russian
compatriots can amplify Russia’s political influence in the former USSR
and provide political, economic, and military intelligence. Where they
are alienated from governments in their countries of residence -- a
condition to which Moscow can contribute -- their alienation from their
own governments creates latent potential for unrest and another
possible lever. Protecting compatriots is also politically useful both
at home, to rally support, and internationally, where it can benefit
Russia’s public diplomacy.
Russia’s influence operations
Operationally, Russia attempts to influence compatriots and their
governments through several channels. The Russian government works
directly with compatriots through Rossotrudnichestvo, a government
agency analogous to the U.S. Agency for International Development that
also has specific responsibility for assisting compatriots, and through
its semi-governmental Russky
Mir Foundation, which promotes Russian language and
culture. Other tools include an extensive information operations
campaign that aims to spread dezinformatsiya,
or disinformation. This includes Russian state media, such as Russia
Today (RT) and Sputnik; private media in Russia and other countries;
social media, and cyber-attacks. In addition, business and economic
relationships, corruption, and the Russian Orthodox Church are critical
tools for influencing compatriots in the former Soviet region.
Implications
We conclude that Russia’s approach and policies toward Russian
compatriots have several key implications for U.S. policy and, indeed,
for Russia’s own policy. The following table (Table 1) briefly lists
implications for Russia, and strategic and operational implications for
U.S. policy.
Table 1. Implications for U.S. and Russia's policies
Implications for Russia
Using compatriots requires not only cultural but political
identification with Russia.
Using compatriots may produce diminishing returns if they produce
backlash in home countries.
Failing to deliver tangible benefits could alienate compatriots.
Compatriots are a blunt instrument not fully subject to Moscow’s
control.
Provoking violent conflict is dangerous for compatriots and for Russia.
Reintegrating compatriots into Russia weakens their role as instruments
of influence elsewhere.
U.S. Strategic Implications
Existing Western and Russian definitions of regional security are
incompatible and will remain a source of tension.
Russia’s leadership is prepared to take significant -- perhaps even
seemingly irrational -- risks to defend vital interests.
Moscow may be open to mutually satisfactory understandings to promote
regional stability.
Tensions over Russian compatriot populations are likely to endure.
Effective host government management of compatriot populations’
grievances reduces vulnerability to Russian pressure.
U.S. Operational Implications
Better understanding Russia’s policy and actions toward compatriots is
critical for U.S. policy.
U.S. messaging to compatriot populations is no less important than
wider messaging in the region.
Corruption creates additional pathways for Russian influence in
compatriot communities and beyond.
Russia is likely to continue cyber-attacks, especially in states with
significant and dissatisfied compatriot populations.
Contents
Introduction
.................................................................................................................................
1
Who Are the Russian
Compatriots?
..........................................................................................
3
Definitions
...........................................................................................................................
3
Russian compatriots abroad
.................................................................................................
6
Integration programs
............................................................................................................
8
Measuring
success.................................................................................................................
9
Russia’s Foreign Policy
Objectives and Russian Compatriots Abroad
................................. 13
Russia’s foreign policy
........................................................................................................
13
Security and stability
.................................................................................................
14
Compatriots' Role in
Russia's Strategic Calculus
.................................................................... 22
Russia’s decision-making
....................................................................................................
30
Russia’s Operational
Calculus and Tools in Influencing Compatriots
................................... 37
The Russian government’s
direct engagement with compatriot communities .................... 38
Information operations
........................................................................................................
39
Media messaging to Russian
compatriots
................................................................. 40
Censorship of the internet
..........................................................................................
42
Cyber-attacks
.............................................................................................................
43
Economic influence and
corruption
.....................................................................................
44
The influence of the Russian Orthodox Church
.................................................................. 45
Implications
..................................................................................................................................
48
Conclusion
....................................................................................................................................
53
References
....................................................................................................................................
54
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Conclusion
Russia’s policies in its neighborhood are likely to remain assertive in
the near term, particularly in dealing with states with which Moscow
and Russian compatriots articulate grievances. Under such
circumstances, examining and responding to Russia’s policies will take
on even greater importance for U.S. policy-makers. Particular
importance will need to be placed on how to counter Russia’s influence
on Russian compatriots in neighboring countries, and its interference
into the affairs of host nation governments. As part of this effort, an
understanding of the host governments’ capacity to counter Russian
influence in political, economic, security, and information domains
will be paramount.
Our intent for this study is to have an initial open dialogue about
Russia’s use of the compatriots as an influence tactic in neighboring
countries. To pursue this task effectively, further robust analysis
must be undertaken in order to assess Russia’s objectives, its
strategic calculus, and its operational decision-making and tactics,
and to understand Moscow’s perspectives and motives on its terms.