TO:
HOLODOMOR WORKING GROUP
Ukraine: Holodomor, Gulag, Crimes of Communism, Genocide
DATE: Sunday, April 26, 2009,
Washington, D.C.
FIVE
ARTICLES -------------------------
1.
DON'T LET THE FACTS GET IN THE WAY!
University of Melbourne Round table on the
Ukrainian Holodomor and Genocide
Stefan Romaniw, President, Australian Federation of
Ukrainian Organisations (AFUO)
Melbourne, Australia, Saturday, March 21, 2009
2. KULCHYTSKY'S
UKRAINIAN HISTORY BOOK TO BE PUBLISHED IN ARMENIAN
"Why Did He Destroy Us? Stalin and the
Holodomor in Ukraine in 1932–33"
The Day Weekly Digest in English, #9, Kyiv, Ukraine Tuesday, 24 March,
2009
3.
THE ENIGMA OF THE GREAT FAMINE OF 1932-1933
Lecture by Hiroaki Kuromiya, Professor of History,
University of Indiana
Stanford University, Thursday, May 7, 2009, 5:15 to
6:15 p.m.
Stanford University, Stanford, California,
Thursday, April 23, 2009
4. DEADLY
ORPHANAGE
The building where over 700 children
starved to death in 1932–33 is still there
By Olha Bohlevska, Zaporizhia, The Day Weekly
Digest in English
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, February 3, 2009
5. “VERY
UGLY SILENCE" BROKEN AS ONTARIO (CANADA)
MPPs
COME
TOGETHER TO RECOGNIZE UKRAINE GENOCIDE
By Alina Popkova, The Day Weekly
Digest in English #12, Kyiv, Ukraine, Tue, 14 April
2009
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.
DON'T LET THE FACTS GET IN THE WAY!
University of Melbourne Round table on the
Ukrainian Holodomor and Genocide
Stefan Romaniw, President
Australian Federation of Ukrainian Organisations (AFUO)
Melbourne, Australia, Saturday, March 21, 2009
MELBOURNE - The 1932-33 Holodomor in Ukraine was a dark
episode in world history and major crime against mankind. The archives
are now open and the facts readily available. So why the need to
continue to conduct roundtables such as the one held at University of
Melbourne on Saturday March 21, 2009 , titled 'The scale and causes of
the 1931-33 famine and whether the Holodomor should be classified as a
genocide’?
The round table discussion was strongly negotiated by the Australian
Federation of Ukrainian Organisations (AFUO) with the organisers of an
International Conference on Famine. The AFUO insisted that if the
Ukrainian Famine was to be discussed it needed to be done in balanced
way.
The moderator was Professor Cormac O’ Grada from University College
Dublin. Four academics stood before the audience putting forward their
respective positions followed by question time.
SO
WHAT WAS THE OUTCOME?
The fact that there are newly accessible archives
available and thousands of eyewitness survivor accounts of the
Holodomor in Ukraine in 1932-33 seemed to impact little on the
presentations by Professor Stephen Wheatcroft - the University of
Melbourne and Professor Viktor Kondrashin, Penza Russia. Only
archives sourced from the Russian Federation seemed worth
serious consideration.
Whilst trying to convince the audience they were not taking a Russian
Federation position but an alternative position to Ukraine’s, Profs.
Wheatcroft and Kondarshin were very much sending messages very similar
to those of the Russian Federation.
In tandum they voiced the position that there is no evidence
of Genocide. Holodomor was economically based, others suffered
not only Ukrainians, assistance was provided to the starving by
Government, and definitely no evidence that it was an attempt to
eradicate Ukrainian nationalism...
MANY
DISAGREED!
Stanislav Kulchytskyj, a
Ukrainian historian from Kyiv and Roman Serbyn International historian
from Montreal Canada presented the Ukrainian perspective.
Kulchytskyj took the position that there are two diverse
positions taken by Ukraine and Russia. Ukraine argues the
intent of the terror Famine that Ukraine was targeted by
Stalin. Russia takes an economic position of bad planning the results
which affected not only Ukrainians .He argued that evidence
and eyewitness accounts are on the public record and they need to be
studied by all.
Prof Serbyn strongly argued that Raphael Lemkin, a Polish Jew who
coined the term Genocide, himself in an address in 1953 in the US
acknowledged that the Holodomor was indeed
Genocide. Serbyn listed the evidence that pointed to Genocide yet the
Russian Federation continues to do everything possible internationally
to down play this fact. The disinformation train continues to run.
Both Kulchytskyj and Serbyn alluded to the fact the archives of Ukraine
are open and on the public record. Kondrashin tried to argue that the
same applied to Russia. Questions from floor tested
Kondrashin on archives and it was obvious that his vision of open
archives was a different definition to most. Some examples were
provided, but he skirted around the responses
Fact 1. – Archives relating to Ukrainian Catholic Church in
the former Soviet Union were falsified and the fact proved a number of
times
Fact 2. - Ukraine Security Service Archives (SBU) are open
and the Unclassified Memories of 1932-33 are now on public display. .
Recent requests from the SBU to the Russian Service to do likewise have
fallen on deaf ears.
Whilst claiming not to get politically involved, Wheatcroft screamed at
the audience, ‘Look at this!’ holding up the Holodomor Brochure
prepared by Ukraine – stating something to the effect, ‘It says 6-10
million, when your own Institute of Demography says 3.5 million
perished. This in unhelpful propaganda!’
As a scholar, he overlooked the basics - The source of
statement – A Joint Statement signed by
65 member states adopted at the 58th UN Assembly on November
7 2003. not Ukraine. But why let facts get in the way of a
good story?
There are various interpretations on figures and there needs to be more
clarity –But the question needs to be asked - Do we base the case of
Genocide on differing numbers or even on Kondrashin’s attempt to show
that it’s not Genocide because of a photo that was allegedly from 1921
and attributed to 1932-33?
Roman Serbyn responded well – Stop playing numbers game – 1, 2, and 5.
10 million is not the issue - the issue is Genocide.
There were different levels of questions. Some appropriate and some
less appropriate considering the academic nature of the event.
However one thing was obvious - Most answers to questions from the
floor to Prof Wheatcroft and Kondrashin were selective in their
responses. If in their opinion it wasn’t worth a response, a snigger
and smile was all that was received.
The question was asked after the event- Is it worth having these
events? No one convinces anyone as the speakers and audience are
polarised? These events are important. It is the academic
level that the research of archives takes place and the
analysis and interpretation of evidence occurs.
The Holodomor issue is not about apportioning blame on Russians. This
point has been made by the President of Ukraine, by
the Ukrainian World Congress and by the AFUO – it’s about identifying
and condemning the system and the individuals responsible.
Stalin and the Communist Regime perpetrated grave crimes against
humanity. Millions died, Ukrainians, Russians and others – But the
intent was not to eradicate the Russian people, but the Ukrainian
people.
Kulchytskyj and Serbyn spoke of the mass arrests, murders
and killing of the Ukrainian intelligentsia, the blockades and bans on
travel and movement in Ukraine in search of food, the mass stripping of
not only grain but other foodstuffs. These facts cannot be denied. The
protocols instructing horrendous acts at the time are on his public
record. This is evidence.
WHAT
NOW?
There must be academic dialogue that
searches for ongoing pathways and roadmaps leading to recognition of
the Holodomor as Genocide. The demand by academics for all
archives of the former USSR relating to the period be opened must
continue.
Sound debate must not be derailed by red herrings, as Prof Serbyn calls
them such as issues on numbers that deflect from the issue.
The AFUO will endeavour to keep the dialogue going, whether as part of
the Project being conducted by the University of Melbourne with the
involvement of local and overseas academics or in other forums.
If we all come to the table with an open mind and take all the facts
into account, then collectively we will find the truth that
will expose the Soviet propaganda and disinformation. We
collectively will help mankind in the future.
It will ensure that those inhumane acts of Stalin are not
allowed to be repeated. that the lies by Duranty in the NY Times and
his attempt to hide the truth and to discredit Gareth
Jones will be judged for what they are.
Events such as Saturday’s Roundtable should encourage us to
soul search and strive to ensure that the truth is at the
forefront. As Kulchytskyj says in the Foreword of the
Bibliography on Holodomor I already knew how Ukrainians died, but I did
not why they died.
This is the essence of Genocide, the Intent? – The how has been
answered and the intent has been established – The archives, the
protocols , the Book of Memory are all reputable sources to seek valid
confirmation– But only for those who genuinely want an answer.
On Sunday March 22, 2009 the conversation continued at the Ukrainian
Community Centre. AFUO Chairman Stefan Romaniw introduced Prof
Kulchytskyj, Prof Serbyn, Dr.Valerij Vaseliev a young historian and
Lesa Morgan from Perth who presented on their work.
Lesa Morgan also prepared a very interesting exhibition. Much is being
done in many areas with more required. Vibrant discussion from floor
was managed by Association of Ukrainians in Victoria’s Vice President
Michael Moravski.
Prof Kulchytskyj and Dr Vasilev have now left and Prof
Serbyn is visiting our communities in Adelaide and Sydney. The
AFUO thanks all four presenters and also acknowledges the support of
the Ukraine Studies Foundation in Australia (FUSA) for
funding Prof. Serbyn’s visit.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.
KULCHYTSKY'S UKRAINIAN HISTORY BOOK TO BE PUBLISHED IN ARMENIAN
"Why Did He Destroy Us? Stalin and the
Holodomor in Ukraine in 1932–33"
The Day Weekly Digest in English, #9, Kyiv, Ukraine
Tuesday, 24 March, 2009
The Armenian Nairi Publishing House is soon to publish Stanislav
Kulchytsky’s "Why Did He Destroy Us? Stalin and the Holodomor in
Ukraine in 1932–33," which is part of The Day’s Library Series, on the
initiative Oleksandr Bozhko, a translator, writer, journalist, and
Ukraine’s Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador to Armenia.
Bozhko plans to hold a joint Armenian-Ukrainian conference in the
Institute of History at Armenia’s Academy of Sciences that will be
dedicated to the launch of the book. At the conference historians from
both countries will share their experience in studying controversial
pages of history — both nations have gone through difficult experiences
and suffered the genocidal atrocities.
In what follows we offer for your attention Stanislav Kulchytsky’s
complete letter addressed to the Armenian reader.
Dear
friends,
I have been very pleasantly surprised to learn that my book "Why Did He
Destroy Us? Stalin and the Holodomor in Ukraine in 1932–33" has already
been translated into Armenian. Anyone whose book is being published in
a foreign country would be happy to receive suchlike news. However, in
this case it is not about the author’s ambitions.
In 2008 my book was translated into Romanian, which also made me happy,
although in a different way. When Oleksandr Bozhko, Ukraine’s
ambassador to Armenia, told me in a telephone conversation about this
news, he added: it would be great if this book began with your address
to the Armenian reader, especially considering your ethnic roots. He
had paid attention to the brief biographical information placed at the
end of the Ukrainian version: my mother’s name is Maria Karapetivna —
Maria is an international name, whereas only an Armenian can have this
patronymic name.
Oleksandr Bozhko, a writer, journalist, and translator from Armenian,
who became Ukraine’s Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador to
Armenia after we regained independence, has asked me to write a
foreword for you. So I would like to tell you about myself, the topic
of this book, and the book itself.
I belong to the fully official category of citizens, called “children
of the war,” who even enjoy certain minor material privileges. At the
same time, I can say I belong to the unofficial, albeit quite real,
category of “children of the empire.”
For several centuries my ancestors on the mother’s side lived close to
the border of the Ottoman Empire, in the Armenian colony of Akerman
(now Bilhorod-Dnistrovsky, Odesa oblast). They preserved their religion
and, owing to my grandmother Zartar’s efforts, I was baptized in the
Armenian Apostolic church unbeknownst to my ideologically-minded
parents, who studied in the Odesa Institute for Water Transport
Engineers.
In 1905 my mother’s parents left Akerman and moved to Odesa. They moved
into an old house on Tyraspolska St., where my uncle Illia was born in
1905 (he was killed near Sevastopol in 1942), followed by my mother in
1910. This is also where I spent my childhood and teenage years.
In my office I keep a portrait of my grandfather painted in oil by a
fairly skillful painter back in Akerman. He died a few years before I
was born and I know little about him. He worked as a typesetter in a
small printing shop, and his April 1933 death certificate identified
the cause as lead poisoning.
Now I know that people died of starvation not only in the countryside,
but also in cities. Most vulnerable were those who worked in
not-so-important enterprises, for example, in printing shops, because
they were cut off from the centralized food supply system. After
studying many hundreds of testimonies, I now know that the registering
clerks tried hard to make up causes of death that were not linked to
the famine.
I remember the horror with which my grandmother spoke of 1933, never
explaining why she was so afraid. In Stalin times it was forbidden to
speak about the famine; any mention of this subject was qualified as
anti-Soviet propaganda. In subsequent decades, up until 1987, the
famine was a taboo. So what kind of death did my grandmother Karapet
meet?
In those distant times when my ancestors on the mother’s side left
Armenia, my forefathers on the father’s side left the Ukrainian village
of Kulchytsi near Sambir and moved to some place in ethnic Poland. I
only know that one of them, who had been totally Polonized,
participated in the Polish rebellion of 1830 and was exiled to the
Caucasus. After many decades his family moved to Odesa, where my father
Vladyslav was born. Judging from his name, and my own, too, the memory
of the Polish roots was kept in the family; however, it was completely
Russified.
I know that my ancestors on the father’s side took great pains to
conceal their noble descent and Polish roots. When I was about to get a
passport, I wanted to be registered as a Pole. My mother got very
scared and obtained some papers that said that my father was Russian.
Concurrently with the Holodomor, Stalin’s henchmen Pavel Postyshev and
Vsevolod Balytsky organized the destruction of Ukrainian and Polish
intelligentsia charging it with involvement in the imaginary
counterrevolutionary organizations — the Ukrainian Military
Organization and the Polish Military Organization. They also deported
dozens of thousands of Poles from border regions of Ukraine to
Kazakhstan.
My mother and I were “family members of an enemy of the people,”
because my father was repressed in 1937, the year when I was born. I
received my passport in the same year that Stalin died, and then the
designation “enemy of the people” still carried its full weight. Now I
can picture how horrified my mother was when I wanted to become
officially registered as a Pole.
A few words on the topic of the book are in place. The Holodomor in
Soviet Ukraine and the Kuban, which was Ukrainian-speaking at the time,
is an episode of the all-Union famine of 1932–33. However, this episode
is special in that it was not so much about people starving to death as
about murder by famine. If millions, rather than individuals, are
killed, this murder is called genocide.
Naturally, just like many of my compatriots, I knew about the existence
of the famine, which was not acknowledged by the state. However, I did
not know in what way it was different from the all-Union famine. Nor
was I aware of the causes of this latter famine. I simply could not
fathom that the accusations of an engineered famine made against the
Soviet authorities could be true. I saw the surrounding world the way I
was taught in the Soviet school. I was unable to absorb the experiences
of my family’s two previous generations as they kept silent in order to
safeguard my peace and their safety.
Many remember that in the late 1980s the Soviet Union, the “country
with the unpredictable past,” shocked the world with its recent history
as it was revealed. Then the mass media was killing, on a daily basis,
people’s faith that our past was not so bad after all. It is only in
recent years that we have seen collections of top-secret documents that
show the overpowering pictures of millions of starving children, women,
and elderly people in the throes of death.
Working with top-secret documents in the archives, I naively thought
that I knew everything about the interwar period in Soviet history. I
wrote and defended my 1976 thesis on this era, specifically on Soviet
industrialization. However, when I studied the documents in the
“special folder,” to which I gained access in the mid-1980s, this
turned my worldview upside down. Without losing the spiritual
connection with the Russian people and their culture and without
forgetting about my Armenian and Polish roots, I had, for the first
time, an acute sense of belonging to the long-suffering Ukrainian
people.
Together with this feeling came the realization of my terrible guilt:
as a member of a group of lectors commissioned by the CC Communist
Party of Ukraine, I had toured all oblasts telling about the
achievements of the Soviet state. Since then, for a quarter of a
century now, I have had only one goal: to understand what have happened
to all of us since 1917 and share this understanding with others.
Let me also say a few words about the book. It is an attempt to show
what really happened in 1933 and also explain why it happened. It is
made up of articles that were carried by the Kyiv-based newspaper Den’.
This daily is intended for the serious reader and is published in
Ukrainian and Russian, while the most interesting articles are included
in The Day, its weekly English-language digest. The newspaper has a
website and pays close attention to historical topics. Larysa Ivshyna,
the editor in chief, has been publishing thematically arranged
collections of articles on burning issues in Ukrainian history in book
format.
In closing I would like to touch upon the discussions among Ukrainian
and Russian politicians concerning the Holodomor’s qualification as
genocide. I am sure that these discussions arose only because both
sides are viewing the Holodomor through the customary lens of the
Holocaust or the Armenian genocide.
I have the Polish translation (published in Krakow in 2005) of a
wonderful book by the French scholar Ive Ternon Armenians. The Story of
Forgotten Genocide. I have read a lot on the Ukrainian Holocaust, i.e.,
the death of 1,500,000 Jews in Nazi-occupied Ukraine. I witnessed
certain outward signs of this Holocaust in Odesa, and these childhood
memories have forever become engraved on my memory. Finally, there is
the Holodomor, which I have been studying for a quarter of a century
now.
Despite all the dissimilar features of the first two cases of genocide,
they have something in common: they are subsumed under the wider notion
of ethnic cleansing. Many of my colleagues put the Holodomor in the
same category without giving even a thought to the fact that in this
case one would have to explain for the benefit of what people the
territory was being cleansed.
Some politicians go even further: whether overwhelmed by emotions or
acting in a cold-blooded fashion and pursuing their own end (these are
a miserable minority), they identify the people with the political
regime and accuse Russians of genocide against Ukrainians. The
absurdity of this accusation is
unbearable for those Russians who do not separate Ukrainians from
themselves. The voices of the extremists on both sides are heard
especially clearly.
After all this, is it possible to reach mutual understanding between
historians and politicians in Ukraine and Russia on the nature of the
Holodomor?
The Holodomor does not have anything in common with ethnic cleansing.
In my book I am trying to prove that millions of lives were sacrificed
at the altar of Stalin’s government. The dictator was afraid he would
lose his personal power if a social explosion occurred in Ukraine,
something similar to the one that took place in the first half of 1930.
This kind of explosion was imminent.
The Soviets indeed had the authority of workers and peasants, as they
claimed. However, in the conditions of strict government
centralization, their spread through all the layers of society caused
the party and government nomenklatura, the entire multimillion-strong
state party, and the people itself to become a plaything in the hands
of the dictator. This is the main conclusion I make in my book.
Kyiv, Feb. 26, 2009
---------------------------------------------------------
COMMENTARY
Oleksandr Bozhko, Ukraine’s Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary Ambassador to Armenia:
“It is very important for us to convey information on Ukraine and the
things it lives by to Armenian society, because Armenians have limited
opportunities in this respect. They learn about Ukraine primarily
through Russian TV channels. Naturally, their perception of Ukraine’s
political, economic, and cultural life is somewhat inadequate. The same
pertains to the interpretation of our history.
“In Soviet times all the questions linked to the interpretation of
history were determined by the center, regardless of whether it was
about Armenia or Ukraine. After our nations regained their
independence, there was a need to know more about each other, in
particular about the tragic pages in the history of both nations, such
as the 1915 events in Western Armenia or the Holodomor in Ukraine.
“Working in Armenia, I saw on many occasions that for want of access to
objective information, this nation, which is friendly to us, is unable
to grasp the scope of our national tragedy and its causes. When
Stanislav Kulchytsky’s book, which was prepared for publication by
Den’, got into my hands, I immediately thought of publishing it in
Armenian.
"Students of history can, of course, learn about the Holodomor at least
from the Internet. However, it is important to give the public at large
an opportunity to benefit from an unbiased presentation of the facts
that were kept hidden from us for so long. This is especially relevant
because we lived in one state and are not indifferent to each other as
nations.
“I have known Kulchytsky as an authoritative historian for many years.
I like his approach to interpreting historical events, especially in
the question of the Holodomor, which has drawn the attention of the
world community largely owing to his selfless work.
“The acknowledgment of the Holodomor became the subject of persistent
ideological and informational struggle. As an ambassador, Ukrainian
citizen, and a person who has studied the Ukrainian-Armenian relations
for a long time, I was interested in having the book Why Did He Destroy
Us? Stalin and the Holodomor in Ukraine in 1932–33 published in
Armenian.
“The embassy was greatly assisted in this undertaking by the Armenian
writer Feliks Bakhchinian. He eagerly accepted the proposal to
translate Kulchytsky’s book into Armenian.
“It turned out that the author’s mother, Maria Karapetivna, is a
descendant of the Armenians who lived in Southern Ukraine. So it seems
logical that the author included an address to the Armenian reader. In
this foreword he touches upon the parallels between the tragic events
in the history of our nations that should never happen again. This is
another goal we are pursuing with this edition. Humankind has gone
through many hard experiences, but unfortunately, it has failed to draw
lessons from all of them.”
LINK:
http://www.day.kiev.ua/271746/
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
3.
THE ENIGMA OF THE GREAT FAMINE OF 1932-1933
Lecture by Hiroaki
Kuromiya, Professor of History, University of Indiana
Stanford University,
Thursday, May 7, 2009, 5:15 to 6:15 p.m.
Stanford University, Stanford, California,
Thursday, April 23, 2009
-------------------------------------------------------
4. DEADLY ORPHANAGE
The building where over 700 children
starved to death in 1932–33 is still there
By Olha Bohlevska, Zaporizhia, The Day Weekly Digest
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, February 3, 2009
Hard facts have been established, revealing the horrible
truth about the death of small inmates of an orphanage in downtown
Zaporizhia 75 years ago. The city learned the tragic story after the
city council’s commission on toponyms began discussing the possibility
of installing a memorial sign dedicated to the inmates of the
Children’s Home who died in 1932–33.
The evidence, which was discovered almost accidentally, is
hair-raising: over 700 inmates of the orphanage, aged between one day
and four years, died within a year and a half. Most often the cause of
death, as recorded in the archives, was emaciation, intoxication,
gastritis, and others. In fact, the small children died of chronic
undernourishment. The horrible specter of the Holodomor caught up with
them where they were supposed to be rescued and cared for.
Children’s cases were found in the archives a year ago, long
before the official measures regarding the Holodomor, by Anatolii
Peniok, an amateur ethnographer and foreman at the Zaporizhstal
Steelworks. “We learned about the death of 30 orphanage inmates back in
1993 but were unable to locate the institution, he says, so I decided
to find it and started digging up the state archives.”
Leafing through public registry files of what was at the
time Stalin district, reading handwritten entries faded with time,
Peniok came across a large number of death certificates relating to
infants and pointing to the same location: Children’s Home at 7 Rosa
Luxembug St., or just a children’s home, without an address but with
the same names of the medical staff.
He checked the records from May 21, 1932, through Nov. 30,
1933 and meticulously copied the children’s names, drawing up a list of
755 names. Peniok feels sure that a further study of these documents
would reveal quite a few silent tragedies.
YURII
DNIPROSTROI AND BERNARD SHAW
I have followed in the footsteps of the
above-mentioned foreman and the archivists who were tasked with
answering a request from the Zhovtnevy district city state
administration, and studied the demographic records. I could not help
crying as I turned the pages of archival documents. Not a single day
would pass at the orphanage without a small inmate’s death; sometimes
five to six deaths were registered within 24 hours. Nine children died
on May 21, 1933, when the famine was exacerbated by a measles epidemic.
The names of many children are proof of their status as foundlings
(e.g., Yurii Dniprostroi, Ivan Stantsiiny, Mykola Fevralsky, Frosia
Yuzhna, Nina Dyspanserna, etc.). After exhausting the list of ordinary
names, the orphanage’s personnel turned to those of past celebrities:
Bernard Shaw, Anna Akhmetova (sic), Lesia Ukrainka, and so on. Yet
children died all the same.
A MAN
WITH A FULL BELLY THINKS NO ONE IS HUNGRY
Peniok’s discovery became known to Dr.
Fedir Turchenko, who holds a Ph.D. in History and is a member of the
Zaporizhia City Council’s commission on toponyms. He was in charge of
the Zaporizhia volume of the National Book of Memory: victims of the
1932–33 Holodomor in Ukraine.
He was stunned by the functionaries’ cynicism at the time:
“That orphanage was … on Rosa Luxemburg St., where there also was the
prosecutor’s office, district council, finance department, and other
institutions. The Soviet bureaucrats could not have been ignorant of
what was happening in a building they passed by every day on their way
to work.”
Referring to official documents, Dr. Turchenko notes that the
children’s homes in what is now Zaporizhia oblast and what was then
part of Dnipropetrovsk oblast had some 40,000 inmates. Peasant parents
would often purposefully abandon their babies in that relatively
well-supplied industrial area, hoping the foundlings would be spared
death by starvation. Vain hopes.
Turchenko is sure that the Soviet civil servants did not suffer from
the famine because they received food from special distribution centers
that did not cater to the public at large. Proof of this is an archival
directive establishing food rations for the senior officials of the
Melitopil district executive committee (the first figure indicates the
amount per the head of the family and the second one, per a dependent
of up to 14 years of age): 600-800/400 grams of bread and 1.0/0.5
kilogram of cereals were part of the daily rations.
The monthly rations included 3.5 kilograms/500 grams of
meat; 1.5 kilogram/400 grams of sugar, etc. It stands to reason that
the bureaucrats in Zaporizhia did not have poorer rations than their
counterparts in the province.
A
MEMORIAL PLAQUE
The street that used to bear the name of
Rosa Luxemburg now boasts the name of another revolutionary, Felix
Dzerzhinsky. Building No. 7 now accommodates the state treasury
department and a veterinary clinic. Historians do not have direct
evidence that this building once housed the orphanage, but the
probability is very high.
It is an old structure, located at an intersection, just
like that Children’s Home in the 1930s. Be that as it may, the
initiators of the memorial project believe that the main thing is not
the exact address but the memories of innocent children’s souls.
“It would be improper to remind people who work here of the sad events
of the past every day,” says Mykhailo Levchenko, a member of the
commission on toponyms, “so we agreed on a memorial plaque on the wall
joining building No. 7 and the next building.”
The initiative of the city council members and the public has been
supported by the experts at the city’s architecture and urban planning
directorate. Hopefully, the red tape that started last spring will
finally end and memories of the children who happened to be born in
that horrible period will not sink into oblivion.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------
5.
“VERY UGLY SILENCE" BROKEN AS ONTARIO (CANADA)
MPPs
COME
TOGETHER TO RECOGNIZE UKRAINE GENOCIDE
By Alina POPKOVA, The Day Weekly Digest in
English #12
Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, 14 April 2009
The legislative assembly of Canada’s province Ontario has passed a law
by a unanimous vote for the first time in its history. According to the
Ukrainian Foreign Ministry Spokesman Vasyl Kyrylych, the law
established the fourth Saturday in November each year as Holodomor
Memorial Day in Ontario to commemorate the genocide by famine that
occurred in Ukraine from 1932 to 1933.
The bill was proposed by representatives of all the political parties
in Ontario’s parliament: Dave Levac (Liberal Party), Cheri DiNovo (New
Democratic Party), and Frank Klees (Progressive Conservative Party).
“The memorial day,” Levac said, “will provide an opportunity to reflect
on and to educate the public about crimes against humanity that
occurred in Ukraine from 1932 to 1933 under the Stalin regime, when as
many as 10 million people perished in a man-made famine and genocide.
We must speak about these ugly things so they do not repeat in the
future.”
He was supported by Cheri DiNovo who noted: “Those who fought long and
hard to have Holodomor commemorated deserve the Legislature’s thanks.
You are an example to the world, to those who deny oppression and who
deny totalitarianism still… A very ugly silence has been broken.”
According to MPP Frank Kless, “a tragedy in which, at its
worst, 25,000 people died every single day in a region considered the
Soviet Union’s breadbasket, traumatized a nation, leaving its people
with deep social, psychological, political scars.” Attending the
legislative hearings were A. Danyleiko, Consul-General of Ukraine in
Toronto, Archbishop Yurii of Toronto and Eastern Canada, and
representatives of Ukrainian civic organizations in Canada.
It will be recalled that on April 6 the genocide of Ukrainians was
condemned by the municipality of Santa Susana, Catalonia. The
historical fact of the 1932–33 Holodomor has been officially recognized
by more than 70 countries. The presidents and heads of government and
parliaments of 26 counties called the Holodomor an act of genocide.
Of great political importance was a joint statement on the
70th anniversary of the 1932–33 great famine (Holodomor) in Ukraine
adopted, as an official document, by the 58th session of the UN General
Assembly. The statement, essentially a declaration, was cosponsored by
36 UN member states. The 1932–1933 events were thus recognized as
national tragedy and have been called Holodomor since then at the
international level.
LINK:
http://www.day.kiev.ua/272928/
=======================================================
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Director, Government Affairs, Washington
Office,
SigmaBleyzer, Emerging Markets Private Equity Investment
Group;
President/CEO, U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC)
Publisher & Editor, Action Ukraine Report (AUR)
Founder/Trustee: Holodomor: Through The Eyes Of Ukrainian
Artists