Kyiv Post | 01Sep2010 | Interfax-Ukraine
http://www.kyivpost.com/news/nation/detail/80639/
Education Minister: 1931-1933
famine was not genocide
The famine of 1932-1933 was not genocide against the Ukrainian people,
Education and Science Minister of Ukraine Dmytro Tabachnyk has said.
"The dying out of the Ukrainian village, Russian, Moldovan ones and so
on means the famine took place, but to my mind, it had the character of
political destruction of peasantry and [the character of] social
system, it was not of an ethnic character," the minister said during a
phone-in session in Kyiv on Tuesday.
According to Tabachnyk, "to some extent the famine of 1931-1933 and
[the one] in 1946-1947 were artificial [and] due to improper management
decisions."
SELECTED COMMENTS:
LES: 01Sep2010; 17:19
The logic there implies that since the kremlin orchestrated many other
GENOCIDES elsewhere, then it should not be considered GENOCIDE in
UKRAINE because GENOCIDE is the standard policy, procedure, and
practice of the kremlin?
The Genocide Kazakhstan began about 1929, and by 1932, it was very successful for the kremlin.
That summer of 1952 in Kazakhstan, my father learned how his own
father, who in 1932 had just gained certification as a teacher, was
assigned to a village but couldn’t find any children there to teach
because, all of them had died.
http://www.rferl.org/content/A_Tragedy_Kazakhstan_Must_Never_Forget/1357455.html
In its imperialistic frenzy, which stems from its acute inferiority
complex, the Russian leadership, with the help of its special services,
is trying to brainwash both the international community and Russian
society with its Ukrainophobia, and through the mass media and agents
of influence which they control—a certain segment of Ukraine’s
population.
Sincerely,
LES
LES: 01Sep2010; 16:53
The kremlin is the only government that ORGANIZED 112,000 PAID serial killers, in a few weeks. {AKA GENOCIDE – AKA HOLODOMOR}
In 1932 Ukraine had an average grain harvest of 146.6 million centers
(15.5 million centers more than in 1928), and there was no climatic
danger of famine. Yet, because of onerous forced grain requisition
quotas that the kremlin imposed upon the Ukrainian rural population,
the peasants already experienced hunger in the spring of 1932.
The grain collections were brutally carried out by 112,000 special
kremlin agents sent to Ukraine to extract grain by using terror against
both collectivized and independent farmers.
{They also confiscated or destroyed potatoes, beets, cabbage, pickles,
and ANYTHING and EVERYTHING that they could find, that was normally
edible.}
Consequently mass starvation and disease became rampant, resulting in millions of deaths
{PRONOUNCED PLANNED GENOCIDE}.
Lemkin’s {In 1943 he coined the term “genocide”} notion of genocide was
much broader than the definition of that crime retained by the UN
Convention. In particular, Lemkin’s victims of genocide included groups
targeted because of their social and/or political identities. However,
the Genocide Convention recognized only four groups of victims:
national, ethnic, religious and racial.
Ukraine is highly susceptible to racial murder by select parts and so
the Communist tactics there have not followed the pattern taken by the
German attacks against the Jews. The nation is too populous to be
exterminated completely with any efficiency. However, its leadership,
religious, intellectual, political, its select and determining parts,
are quite small and therefore easily eliminated, and so it is upon
these groups particularly that the full force of the Soviet axe has
fallen, with its familiar tools of mass murder, deportation and forced
labor, exile and starvation.
http://jicj.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/pdf_extract/7/1/123
LES: 01Sep2010; 16:19
If Tabachnyk learned how to read non-kremlin published history books
then Tabachnyk would learn that the savage uncivilized pagan barbarians
in the kremlin specifically targeted the UKRAINIANS during HOLODOMOR.
Stalin issued a clear signal in his now widely publicized and
fundamentally important letter to Lazar Kaganovich, dated August 11,
1932. In it he questions the loyalty of the entire party organization
of the Ukrainian SSR, while simultaneously demanding that allegedly
concealed grain be squeezed out of Ukraine regardless of sacrifices
(which could be justified by the lofty goals of modernization) and that
a repressive “purge” of society be carried out in order to eradicate
“Ukrainian nationalists”. Stalin then dispatched his loyal associates
to Ukraine, who introduced punitive practices that were diverse in form
but universal in their fatal result.
Particularly dangerous to the Stalinist regime was the fact that the
peasants were trying to escape from the places where they were
starving. In one of his letters to Kaganovich, dated June 1932, Stalin
expresses his dissatisfaction with the fact that “several tens of
thousands of Ukrainian collective farmers are still traveling all over
the European part of the USSR and demoralizing the collective farms for
us with their complaints and whining”.
A document prepared by Polish intelligence in September 1932 states:
“Nearly all of Ukraine is traveling in search of bread, the trains are
packed to the rafters; to get on a train [people] have to stand in
lineups for several days”. This situation quickly changed after
so-called food blockades of Ukraine’s borders were erected in the fall
and winter of 1932-33.
The blockades were manned by interior troops and the red army, who
prevented peasants from leaving the country and, hence, spreading
information about the famine. Also instituted at this time was a ban on
what was known as a food “reverse”, which meant that private
individuals were not permitted to bring food into Ukraine from Russia
and Belarus without the state’s permission, with the volume of food
products entering the republic restricted by a special decision.
A document issued by the GPU of the Ukrainian SSR in February 1933
states that Kyiv oblast is the leading Ukrainian region with respect to
the number of peasants who have left to escape death by starvation.
This is what is recorded in a report by the Polish consul, who took a
trip from Kharkiv to Moscow in May 1933.
“During my entire journey I was most struck by the difference in the
appearance of the villages and fields of Ukraine in comparison with the
neighboring TsChO (Central Chernozem oblast) and even with the
non-grain-producing vicinities of Moscow. Ukrainian villages are in
significant decline; emptiness, desolation, and destitution waft from
them; houses are in a semi-collapsed state, often with [missing] roofs
that have been torn off; new homesteads are nowhere to be seen;
children and elderly people resemble skeletons; there is no sign of
livestock… When I later ended up in the TsChO (at first, in the
vicinities of Kursk and Orel), I had the impression that I had arrived
in Western Europe from the Country of Soviets. There are significantly
more plowed and sown fields, the villages are clean, more decent, the
houses are restored, and relatively greater well-being is evident among
the people; you can see cattle grazing…”
In June 1932 the Japanese consul in Odesa undertook a long journey
through various regions of the USSR. He reported that “in comparison
with the peasants of other republics, Ukrainian peasants make a pitiful
impression with their ragged clothing, their emaciated bodies, and
their begging: even in large railway stations peasants and their wives
and children stretch out their hands for alms and beg for bread…”
In July 1933 a female Polish consular official based in Kharkiv noted
that the epidemic had not abated in the summer but instead had grown,
affecting increasingly wider strata of the population.
She writes: “The mortality rate is rising every day. There are very
many beggars on the streets; lately, small children have been seen with
greater frequency”.
In the same month, July 1933, the Italian consul in Kharkiv notes:
“Some doctors have confirmed to me that the mortality rate in villages
often reaches 80 percent, and it is never lower than 50 percent. Worst
affected are Kyiv, Poltava, and Sumy oblasts, where one can already
speak of depopulation”.
Already by January 31, 1934 the Italian consul Sergio Gradenigo drew up
a report in which he attributed great significance to this decision. He
even concluded that the most fertile areas of Left-Bank Ukraine would
be annexed to Russia: “With the help of the famine, this territory,
which has already been depopulated, has been settled by a new
population – for the past two months Russians have been brought here by
the trainload from Siberia… The transfer of the capital to the border
is obviously entirely aimed at concealing the persecutions of the
Ukrainian people, which will escalate even more after the capital is
returned to its historic place. This return of the capital to Kyiv… is
launching the process of territorial decapitation at the same time as
national decapitation is already taking place on a broad scale and will
continue further
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