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UKRAINIAN
GENOCIDE JOURNAL:
HISTORY OF THE HOLODOMOR 1932-1933
"UKRAINIAN GENOCIDE JOURNAL:
HISTORY OF THE
HOLODOMOR 1932-1933" Issue Two
Mr. E. Morgan Williams, Publisher and
Editor
WASHINGTON, D.C., SUNDAY, MARCH 11, 2007
--------
INDEX OF ARTICLES --------
Clicking
on the title of any article takes you directly to the
article.
Return to the Index by clicking on Return to Index at
the end of each article
Issue Two, Article One, (in English)
Washington, D.C., Sunday,
March 11, 2007
2
. THREE MEMBERS OF THE EUROPEAN
PARLIAMENT DEMAND RECOGNITION OF
SOVIET-ENFORCED UKRAINIAN
'GENOCIDE' "This is not
directed at Russia but there can be no doubt that
this
was a Soviet-enforced
crime against Ukraine", Marek Siwiec MEP.
By Martin Banks, The
Parliament.com
Brussels, Belgium, Wednesday, March 7, 2007
3
. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO SUGGESTS
OPENING MUSEUM ABOUT SOVIET REPRESSION IN UKRAINE
By Misha
Dzhindzhikhashvili, AP Worldstream
Tbilisi, Georgia, Friday, March 02,
2007
4
.
WHY IS UKRAINE FIGHTING RUSSIA?
Ukraine's parliament passed a law on the famine of the 1930s,
which
it has interpreted as a Soviet
genocide against the Ukrainian people.
OPINION & ANALYSIS: By Zakhar
Vinogradov
RIA Novosti Commentator in Kiev
RIA Novosti, Moscow, Russia,
Sunday, March 11, 2007
5
. UKRAINIAN
PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO SAYS LEADERSHIP
Office of the President of Ukraine
Yushchenko thanked deputies who
submitted genocide resolution
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, March 8, 2007
7.
UNITED KINGDOM: SIGN THE UKRAINIAN GENOCIDE
PETITIONLETTER-TO-THE-EDITOR: From: Stepan Speight
Komarnyckyj
Ukrainian Genocide Petition in the United Kingdom
Ukrainian
Genocide Journal, Issue Two, Article Seven
Washington, D.C., Sunday, March 11, 2007
8
. IN MEMORY OF EXECUTED
UKRAINIANS By
German invaders in 1942 at Babyn Yar
All-Ukrainian Svoboda (Freedom)
association
Posted on the maidan.org.ua website
Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday,
February 26, 2007 (in Ukrainian)
Published by the Ukrainian Genocide
Journal
Issue Two, Article Eight (in English)
Washington, D.C., Sunday,
March 11, 2007
9
. 63RD ANNIVERSARY OF THE NATIONAL TRAGEDY
OF
CHECHEN AND INGUSHS, SOVIET
GENOCIDEAndrew P. Grigorenko, President
General Petro Grigorenko
Foundation
New York, New York, Saturday, February 24, 2007
10
. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO CONDOLES
WITH
JEWS ON INTERNATIONAL HOLOCAUST
REMEMBRANCE DAYOffice of the President of Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine, Sat,
Jan 27, 2007
11
. HEAD OF ALL-UKRAINIAN
JEWISH CONGRESS PROPOSING TO
INTRODUCE
CRIMINAL PROSECUTION FOR HOLOCAUST DENIALInterfax Ukraine News, Kyiv,
Ukraine, Wednesday, January 24, 2007
12
.
DOCUMENTARY ABOUT THE UKRAINIAN GENOCIDE
OF 1932-1933 (HOLODOMOR) NOW AVAILABLE IN DVD FORMATUkrainian
Canadian Research & Documentation Centre, Toronto
Ukrainian Genocide
Journal, Issue Two, Article Twelve
Ukrainian Genocide Journal, Issue Two, Article Thirteen
Washington, D.C., Sunday, March 11, 2007
New evidence on how the famine was eye-witnessed and
concealed.
IAUS Congress, Donetsk, Ukraine, Wednesday 29th June 2005.
Ukrainian Genocide Journal, Issue Two, Article Fourteen
Washington, D.C., Sunday, March 11, 2006
Roman Senkus, Director, CIUS Publications Program
Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, Toronto Office
Toronto,
Ontario, Canada, Wednesday, January 17, 2007
17
. PRES YUSHCHENKO: "ASKED
WHAT THE
HOLODOMOR
WAS, MY ANSWER IS 'IT WAS
GENOCIDE'"Ukrainian President Victor Yushchenko's address on
Remembrance
Day for the Victims of the Holodomor and Political
Repressions
Remembrance Service at St. Michael's Square in Kyiv
Official
Website of President of Ukraine (In Ukrainian)
Kyiv, Ukraine, Saturday,
November 25, 2006
Published by the Ukrainian Genocide Journal
Issue One, Article Seventeen (in English)
Washington, D.C., Sunday,
March 11, 2007
18
. UKRAINE MARKS THE
EVENTS OF 1932-1933 FOR THE FIRST
TIME AT AN
APPROPRIATE NATIONAL LEVEL
PERSONAL COMMENTARY: By Daniel Bilak
Kyiv,
Ukraine, Friday, December 1, 2006
Published by the UKL407 (The Politics of
Genocide),
The Ukraine List (UKL) #407, Article 3
Compiled by Dominique
Arel, Chair of Ukrainian Studies,
U of Ottawa,
www.ukrainianstudies.uottawa.ca
Supported by the Dopomoha Ukraini Foundation
Ottawa, Canada, 12
December 2006
19.
HOLODOMOR: INAPPROPRIATE RENAMINGANALYSIS &
COMMENTARY: By Ihor Lutsenko
Ukrayinska Pravda online, Kyiv,
Ukraine,
Monday, November 27, 2006 (in Ukrainian)
Published by the
Ukrainian Genocide Journal
Issue Two, Article Nineteen (in English)
Washington, D.C., Sunday,
March 11, 2007
20
.
CONSEQUENCES OF FAMINE GENOCIDE
By Fedir Moroziuk, Member,
Ukrainian Association of
Holodomor Researchers, Kherson Oblast (Article
written in 1997)
Posted on
www.Golodomor.com website, Kyiv,
Ukraine (in Ukrainian)
A Program of the Ukraine 3000 International Fund
Published by the Ukrainian Genocide Journal
Issue Two, Article Twenty (in English)
Washington, D.C., Sunday, March 11, 2007
========================================================
1
.
HOLODOMOR WAS NOT ONLY 7 MILLION LIVES BUT
ALSO
66 TONS OF GOLD, 1,439 TONS OF
SILVER AS WELL
AS
DIAMONDS AND ANTIQUITIES
Holodomor was also a large scale and effective pillage of people
By
Oleh Nadosha and Volodymyr Honsky (in Ukrainian),
Ukrayinska Pravda on line,
Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, January 5, 2007
Published by the Ukrainian Genocide
Journal
Issue Two, Article One (in English)
Washington, D.C., Sunday, March
11, 2007
The official events to commemorate the victims of the Holodomor
and
repressions are over. Viktor Yushchenko should get a lot of credit for
his
commitment to the truth and determination to make his case in front of
those
who are not aware of the full measure of the manmade famine in
1932-1933.
Such awareness-raising efforts should have been undertaken
earlier and on
a larger scale. In my opinion, this year's commemoration was
the most
convincing, marking a watershed in the realization by Ukrainians of
true
dimensions, causes and consequences of the Armageddon that
struck
Ukraine in 1932-1933.
But: No matter what people are talking
about, they are talking about money,
runs Murphy's Rule 1.
It looks
that only the horrors of the Holodomor can contradict this truth.
But, in
fact, the whole world must be told that the 1932-1933 Holodomor
was not only
the largest genocide recorded in history but also the most
large-scale and
effective pillage of people.
It was a kind of gold procurement, a gold
rush the Communist style, with
the victims taking out their family valuables
from hiding places and
bringing them to pillagers in the hope of putting off
death from starvation
or surviving.
We must admit that this idea took
some time to dawn on the authors. It
came when one of us asked his mother in
a telephone conversation about
how the family managed to survive the
famine.
Their salvation, it turned out, was thanks to 7 massive gold
things of rare
beauty and purity presented by grandfather, nobleman
Kyrychenko and
captain of a ship in the Far East.
Having taken this
gift of her father (in cash terms, it was a well-sized
capital) to a Torgsin
store, grandmother saved the family and many
residents in her village of
Monastyryshche, Ichnya rayon, Chernihiv oblast.
The rest of the villagers
died.
The big question came up quickly: how much wealth had been pocketed
by
the Communists in Ukraine? After digging in libraries and pestering
several
professors, we can point to some facts.
Torgsin stores (an
abbreviation of "trade with foreigners") during the
Holodomor became the only
chain of state-run stores where the populace
could buy some food essentials -
but only for precious metals or hard
currency.
Formally, the all-union
chain was set in the summer of 1930 under the
foreign trade ministry. In
Ukraine, such stores began to operate actively
since January of 1932, with
starving peasants, not foreigners, as their
customers.
The resolution
"On creating the all-Ukrainian Torgsin office" was passed
by the Ukrainian
Economic Council under the government of Ukraine on
June 29,
1932.
Government experts said that "the collection of hard currency held
by the
populace will play a major role", that "the gold kept in households
must be
collected via a chain of Torgsin stores and used to serve the
interests of
the proletarian state." Can the dates and directives be viewed
as
coincidental?
We compared the time and content
of various resolutions and documents
on setting up the Torgsin chain in
Ukraine with Communist party resolutions
to launch a genocide by starvation
(on
[1] raising grain procurement targets, on
[2] "the three spikelets
law" [law imposing criminal liability for
taking
even three spikelets from the
state farm fields - Trans.], on
[3] banning food trade in rural areas,
on
[4] combating "saboteurs" [peasants whom the authorities
accused
of sabotage of mandatory grain deliveries -
Trans.] and others).
We were horrified by the perfectly
synchronized timing of these documents.
The time
pattern was as follows:
1) the party takes away all
grain from peasants;
2) Torgsin stores take away all
gold and hard currency.
Further
analysis of
how the party and the Torgsin chain
worked
revealed
that
3) everything was done to prevent the
survival of Ukrainians.
In exchange for their gold and silver
jewelry, peasants received coupons
which they could later exchange for food.
The exchange could take up to
two months, and very often bearers of coupons
were dead by the time
they could get some food. There was a secret
instruction to Torgsin
salesmen: "do not promise customers a quick
exchange."
According to eye-witnesses, many starving people died when
standing in
kilometer-long lines to Torgsins or immediately after they
received food.
Here are some of the eye-witness reports:
NINA PEREPADA:
Every morning a
7-year-old boy Yury Perepada saw the following scene:
horse-driven carts used
to go along Khreshchatyk [Kyiv's main street -
Trans.] One man was in the
cart, with two other men escorting it by feet.
Their mission was clear the
street from corpses or those close to death.
The two lifted the bodies,
put them on the cart and covered with matting.
Children and adults walked the
streets by-passing the dead. The bodies
were reportedly taken to the
Oktyabrsky hospital, laid up in layers and
from there taken to the Bajkove
cemetery to be thrown in ditches and
covered up with sodium
chlorite.
He remembers that there was a commercial bakery in 6 or 8
Pushkin St.
where they sold bread at very high prices. Still, the line of
customers
stretched farther than Proriizna St. People often died standing in
the
line." (The Ukrainian Holocaust of 1932-1933: Evidence of
survivors.
Ed. By O. Mytsyk. Kyiv Mohyla Academy publishers, 2004 - Vol.
2).
HALYNA
NAZARENKO:
"Since late night, we had to line for bread that
tasted like sawdust. We
stood in line all night, and broke into tens in the
morning as they would
allow only ten persons into the store.
Mom took
her and dad's golden wedding rings to the Torgsin store,
receiving several
kilos of flour for them. From it, she made halushkas
(boiled lumps of
pastry)." (The Ukrainian Holocaust of 1932-1933:
Evidence of survivors. Ed.
By O. Mytsyk. Kyiv Mohyla Academy
publishers, 2004 - Vol. 2).
ANDRIY OPANASENKO:
In Kyiv I saw
dying peasants from nearby villages. Those miserable creatures
didn't look
like humans. They didn't ask for food, they sat or lay, their
bodies swollen
and big like logs, under the walls of building on Podol's
Upper and Lower
Banks. The dead were taken to Babyj Yar to be buried.
Half dead inhabitants
were also taken there to die. (The Vechirny Kyiv,
November, 1998).
LIDIYA KUZNETSOVA:
I well remember bread lines. Sometimes, they were several kilometers
long.
Those who lined for bread at dawn could get their small piece of bread
only
late at night. Mostly, they were peasants from nearby villages.
I
remember how people from villages would get their bread, sit in the
corner
and die right there on the street. (The Ukrainian Holocaust of
1932-1933:
Evidence of survivors. Ed. By O. Mytsyk. Kyiv Mohyla Academy
publishers,
2004 - Vol. 2).
Very often the starving peasants were
intercepted by GPU (sectet police)
officers who arrested the alleged
speculators and took away their bread.
GPU often scattered peasants or locked
them up - to ensure their deaths.
HALYNA
AFANASYEVE:I remember well how in the fall of 1932 Kyiv was
full of starving and
swollen peasants, trying to exchange their inexpensive
possessions for bread
or other food. A major inflow of starving peasants took
place in the spring
of 1933. The capital's squares and streets were full of
live skeletons and
swollen people.
Their numbers were especially large
in the Polol district on the Upper and
Lower Bank where there
were many wide benches on which hundreds of
poor victims crowded. They were
sitting, lying and dying.
Every morning carts went around the city
streets. Their teams consisted of a
horseman and his assistants who picked up
dead bodies. Together with the
dead, they also took away still living people.
The dead and the half dead
were taken to a church on the Horeva St. where
they were piled up.
Around the church a deep and wide ditch was dug out
in which they put the
dead when the church was full of bodies. There was a
bakery on the Upper
Bank St. which sold bread at commercial prices. One could
buy only one
kilo of bread.
As the bread was in short supply, people
stood in huge lines since late
night. Militsiya (police) scattered lines of
exhausted people, drove them
into the church and locked them up there. They
died in the church.
My mother Ulyana Khomenchuk got into one of
such police raids and was
locked up in the church. After 2 days they opened
the church to get rid of
the bodies and put new victims into it. But my
mother was alive and was
spared this satanic conveyor of death.
No one
was swollen from starvation in our family, because we lived on the
Trukhaniv
island and gathered deadwood which we floated across the
Dnieper and sold on
the market. Besides, we had some valuables inherited
by my mother. Traders
willingly accepted the valuables in exchange for food.
In Torgsin stores,
supplies of flour, lard, sausage, tinned food were
abundant. In exchange for
golden decorations we bought the cheapest brand
of maize flour from which my
mother baked pies and sold them on the market
to feed her family. All Kyiv
residents were involved in such business not to
die from the famine. (The
Samostijna Ukrayina, October, 1999).
The major cause of deaths of
peasants, even of those who got food from
Torgsin stores, was the mark-up, an
officially allowed profit of a Torgsin
salesperson which was the difference
between the amount of gold accepted
from the populace and the amount handed
over to the bank. Very often,
salesmen understated in their receipts the
weight and quality of gold they
took from starving people.
The mark-up
could reach several kilos, with every gram of gold stolen from
peasants paid
for by their lives. There were other kinds of fraud in which
Torgsin salesmen
were involved, despite their high salaries and additional
food rations.
Torgsin stores bought gold from Ukrainians at much lower
prices than those on
the international market.
We cannot but agree with V. Marochko, Doctor of
History, about another
dimension of this criminal robbery: the gold, titled
by the authorities as
scrap gold, was a dangerous asset because it was part
of sacred spiritual
traditions.
Family valuables, crosses, wedding
rings, baptizing crosses were kept in
the families and handed over by one
generation to another, adding to the
national spirit.
October 1933, a
chain of 263 Torgsin stores operated in Ukraine. Each store
had its own
network of smaller outlets. The largest number of Torgsins was
in the Kyiv
oblast (58), the smallest number in the Donetsk oblast (11) and
the Moldavian
autonomous Soviet republic (5). The chain had its specific
targets for the
purchase of gold and hard currency which, because they were
excessive, were
never met.
The scale of the Communist-engineered gold rush matched the
time frame set
for the genocide: with 6 mn hard currency karbovanets earned
by Torsins in
1931, the figure ballooned to 50 mn in 1932 and to 107 mn in
1933.
Of the total amount of valuables sold by starving Ukrainians, 75.2%
was
precious metals, gold, silver, and platinum. Of the total amount of
gold,
38% was in tsarist coins, or 18% of the total revenue
received.
While in 1932 Torgsins "procured" 21 tons of gold (worth 26.8
mn
karbovanets) and 18.5 tons of silver (worth 0.3 mn), the figures for
1933
were respectively 44.9 tons of gold (worth 58 mn karbovanets) and
1420.5
tons of silver (worth 22.9 mn).
It was extremely unprofitable
for Ukrainian to sell silver as the price of
it dropped threefold since 1917.
Peasants were paid 1.25 karbovanets for
1 g of silver, with the price on the
New York stock exchange at 1.8
karbovanets. Communist party revenues from
such transactions were
colossal.
The government allowed Torgsins to
purchase diamonds in the fall of 1933
when gold and silver buying fell
significantly as the populace had sold what
they had and the number of
Ukrainians dropped sharply. There was only
one Torgsin store buying diamonds,
in Kharkiv.
Ukrainians got 12 karbovanets for one carat of defective
diamonds and 260
karbovanets for pure diamonds. Any guesses why such a huge
disparity in
pricing?
In four months alone, Torgsins bought 600,000
karbovanets worth of
diamonds. In 1932-1933, the Soviet Union sold abroad
antiquities,
pictures and ancient jewelry worth 5.8 mn golden
karbovanets.
Torgsins were not the only tools to rob starving Ukrainians.
Who can
count the money Ukrainians had to pay for food on the black
market
where the prices for bread were tens of times higher than even in
the
Torgsins?
Or the amount of gold pillaged by the authorities from
individual farmers?
A recount of such incident was given by war veteran
Oleksij Riznyk in his
article "Gold for the dictatorship of the proletariat"
(The Ukrayina moloda,
23.11.2006, p. 11):
"In 1931-1932, the
authorities launched a large-scale operation against
individual farmers.
Militsiya took groups of them to a prison in Vinnytsia.
My father was one of
them.
On arriving in prison, every farmer was told the amount of ransom
in golden
rubles he had to pay for his freedom. Militsiya officers rushed
into the
cell, took inmates by the hair and hitting their heads against the
heads of
others said, 'Oh, hear how the gold chimes.'
Some were taken
to torture cells where they were beaten up, had their
fingers broken by doors
- until the victim agreed to name the sum of ransom
sufficient for butchers.
My father told them he had only 35 golden rubles
left. The militsiya officers
happily took the money and let him go."
In conclusion, let us hear another eye-witness report:
MYKAL
from the village of Pukhivka, Brovary rayon:
It was in
the spring of 1933. I was eighteen and was a student at Kyiv's
college of
teachers. The enrollment was 99 persons, while only 33 graduated
from the
college. Where are the rest 66 students? Some of them died and
some of them
left for good. Sahno Volodya died at the math lesson after
working a night
shift at the Ukrkabel plant. We carried him out and buried
at the Lukyanivsky
cemetery.
We ate at a students' canteen on Dyka street. They would give
us a plateful
of water with one pea, calling it soup. We got 150 g of bread a
day. I
prayed that nobody stole my bread coupons. The bread ration was
so
meager you didn't feel you ate anything.
One episode has remained
engraved in y memory. We had a lesson in military
training outside Kyiv near
the Lukyanivsky cemetery. We were dog-tired but
our instructor ordered us to
run. Three of us didn't run, we sneaked away.
There was a boy who had lived
in an orphanage, Kostya. It was time to
return, but he was sitting at a
distance and didn't move.
When we came up to him we were scared stiff -
he was sitting near a ditch
full of children's corpses. They all lay in a
mess: positions of legs, arms
and bodies showed that they had been dumped in
the ditch from a cart.
There were seven such graves there. They did it at
night, bringing the
bodies, dumping them and going away for more
corpses.
Our instructor called us, but we were shaking and crying,
especially the boy
from the orphanage. He said: "This is going to happen to
me, too."(1933:
Famine; People's Book. - Memorial. /Compiled by L. Kovalenko
and V.
Manyak. Kyiv, 1991.)
If you divide the amount of gold and
silver pumped out from Ukrainians
by the Communist regime, you'll get 5
convertible karbovanets. Or 12
kilos of flour. That was the price of life, to
be exact, the price of a
horrible death of one Ukrainian.
Is there any
place for graves on the cemetery of destroyed
illusions?
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The
authors express their acknowledgments to V. Marochko, Doctor of
History, S.
Vakulyshyn, expert on Kyiv, N. Sukhodolska, Ph.D.(Biology),
R. Krutsyk, head
of the Kyiv branch of Memorial and other researchers
for their help in
preparing the article for
publication.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
LINK:
http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2007/1/5/53000.htm)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
NOTE:
This article was translated from Ukrainian to English solely
for the
Ukrainian Genocide Journal by Volodymyr Hrytsutenko,
Lviv,
Ukraine. The translated article can be used but only with
permission from the Ukrainian Genocide Journal, Washington.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
========================================================
2
. THREE MEMBERS OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT
DEMAND
RECOGNITION OF SOVIET-ENFORCED UKRAINIAN
'GENOCIDE'
"This is not directed at Russia but there
can be no doubt that
this
was a Soviet-enforced crime against Ukraine", Marek Siwiec MEP.
By
Martin Banks, The Parliament.com
European Politics and Policy
Brussels,
Belgium, Wednesday, March 7, 2007
MEPs are calling on the international
community to recognise the 1930s
great famine in Ukraine as Soviet-enforced
genocide.
A small number of nations have already recognised the famine as
genocide
and three deputies have tabled a written declaration calling for
the
international community to follow suit.
The three are Konrad
Szymanski, a Polish member of the UEN group, UK
Conservative Charles Tannock
and Polish Socialist deputy Marek Siwiec.
A parliamentary declaration has
to be supported by at least 50 per cent of
MEPs before it can go to the full
plenary to become a formal parliamentary
resolution.
Siwiec said MEPs
were currently being canvassed for their support and he
was hopeful that it
would receive the necessary backing.
He said the reason he and his
colleagues had decided to act now was
because they felt that international
recognition for the alleged genocide
was "long overdue."
"This is not
directed at Russia but there can be no doubt that this was a
Soviet-enforced
crime against Ukraine."
An estimated 10 Million Ukrainians starved to
death in 1932-33 as Soviet
leader Joseph Stalin stripped them of their
produce in a disastrous forced
farm collectivisation campaign.
The
true scale of the disaster was concealed by the USSR and only came
to light
after Ukrainian independence in 1991.
A week long exhibition covering the
famine, organised by the Ukrainian
mission to the EU, will run in the
European parliament from March 26.
Russia firmly opposes the designation
of the famine as genocide.
-30-
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http://www.eupolitix.com/EN/News/200703/b936b29d-91df-4cef-8f85-e1e33ef920cd.htm
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========================================================
3
. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO SUGGESTS
OPENING
MUSEUM
ABOUT SOVIET REPRESSION IN UKRAINE
By Misha Dzhindzhikhashvili,
AP Worldstream
Tbilisi, Georgia, Friday, March 02, 2007
TBILISI -
Ukraine's president said Friday he supported opening a museum
dedicated to
Soviet repression in Ukraine, but acknowledged that it would
be
difficult.
Viktor Yushchenko made the comments while visiting the Museum
of Soviet
Occupation in the Georgian capital, Tbilisi, which chronicles the
fate of
thousands of Georgians purged and killed by the Soviet secret
police.
"When I am uttering these words, I understand that certain
political forces
will be furious," Yushchenko said in remarks released by his
office. "But I
believe we must do it for our grandfathers and great
grandfathers, and for
our children and grandchildren."
Yushchenko, who
like Georgian counterpart Mikhail Saakashvili has sought
to pull his country
out of Russia's shadow, has repeatedly pushed for
further recognition of
Soviet crimes.
Last year, he won parliamentary approval for a law
recognizing the 1932-33
famine, which many blame on Soviet dictator Josef
Stalin, as genocide.
Moscow strongly protested the move, and the
Russian-leaning party of
Ukraine's prime minister refused to vote for the
measure.
Opinion polls have shown that Ukrainians overwhelmingly welcomed
the
Soviet collapse; in 1991, more than 90 percent of Ukrainians voted
in
support of declaring the nation independent.
Since then, however,
Ukraine has struggled to refashion its relations with
Moscow, triggering
sharp disputes between Ukraine's more pro-European
west and the
Russian-speaking east and south over how close relations with
its former
ruler should be.
At least one other ex-Soviet republic, the Baltic nation
of Latvia, has a
museum dedicated to the Soviet period, as well as the Nazi
occupation
during World War II.
Speaking on the eve of the two
presidents' visit to the year-old museum,
Saakashvili said the institution is
not designed to anti-Russian. "This was
a Soviet occupation of Georgia not a
Russian occupation," he said at a
parliamentary briefing.
"If someone
on the peripheries of Georgia is offended by the creation of
this museum in
Tbilisi, then we are not guilty in this. With all
responsibility, I will say
that this museum illuminates the history of
Georgia and it exists to ensure
that such pages of history are never
again
repeated."
-30-
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Associated
Press Writer Mara Bellaby contributed to this report
from Kiev,
Ukraine.
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[
return to index] [Ukrainian Genocide Journal: Holodomor
1932-1933]
========================================================
4
.
WHY IS UKRAINE FIGHTING
RUSSIA?
Ukraine's parliament passed a law
on the famine of the 1930s, which
it has
interpreted as a Soviet genocide against the Ukrainian people.
OPINION
& ANALYSIS: By Zakhar Vinogradov
RIA Novosti Commentator in Kiev
RIA
Novosti, Moscow, Russia, Sunday, March 11, 2007
MOSCOW - Ukrainian
President Viktor Yushchenko has once again
surprised Russia and other
countries.
He recently unveiled a monument to Ukrainian poet Taras
Shevchenko in
Tbilisi, capital of Georgia, signed several intergovernmental
agreements
there, and announced his intention to establish a museum of the
Soviet
occupation of Ukraine, like the one he visited in Tbilisi together
with his
friend, Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili, and those in several
Baltic
countries.
As usual, the Ukrainian and Georgian presidents said
cynically that they
had nothing against Russia, and that the museums were
only proof of their
countries' respect for their past, for the elder
generation victimized by
the Soviet regime.
Neither leader explained
how they would separate the victimized Ukrainians
and Georgians from the
Ukrainian and Georgian occupiers.
The picture has been complicated by the
fact that millions of those who had
been considered occupiers one day became
victims of Stalin's regime the
day after.
The truth is that these
official speeches are poor camouflage for
ordinary
Russophobia.
Attempts at political correctness made by
Yushchenko and Saakashvili did
not sufficiently hide their anti-Russian
sentiments. It is clear to everyone
that they have become friends because
they hate Russia.
Yushchenko's stance in this historical confrontation
looks more vulnerable
and less consistent than the position of
Saakashvili.
Under its current president, Ukraine is moving further away
from its
neighbor and partner, Russia, contrary to economic logic and
common
sense.
Some two months ago, Ukraine's
parliament passed a law on the famine
of the 1930s, which it has interpreted as a Soviet
genocide against the
Ukrainian people.
These are the methods used by
Yushchenko and his ideological comrades
to consolidate
Ukraine.
Unfortunately, they are uniting the country not to tackle
issues of social
and economic development of interest to both the eastern
(pro-Russian)
and western (anti-Russian) parts of Ukraine, but to focus its attention on
negative issues, hunt down witches and stir up ghosts.
By doing this,
Yushchenko is creating more problems for himself. Ukraine's
parliament
expressed its outrage at the famine in Ukraine in the 1930s, but
completely
overlooked the hunger in Belarus and Russia.
Moreover, Ukrainian leaders
are pretending not to remember that the famine
happened because of the
policies pursued by Stalin, a Georgian by
nationality, and unnamed leaders of
Ukraine.
In principle, the Ukrainian elite knows very well that its
pseudo-historical
stand is vulnerable. But it is using it to hide its
anti-Russian policies.
Russia, busy with its gas and oil projects, has
chosen to disregard the new
ideological studies of its neighbors.
Its
parliament seems not to notice the ideological tumor spreading through
the
Commonwealth of Independent States, an ailing but still alive
organization
bringing together 11 former Soviet republics.
As all of us who belong to
the older generation were told in Soviet
universities, the viability of the
superstructure depends on the foundation,
that is, on economic relations.
Unfortunately, the superstructure (ideology)
is being turned into the
foundation in some ex-Soviet countries.
Russia and Ukraine have more
things uniting them than pushing them apart
economically. These ties do not
just include Russian oil and gas supplied to
Ukraine, which it delivers to
Europe. This makes our countries natural and
indivisible partners.
But
the main thing is that Russians and Ukrainians have a common history,
which
was both good and bad, and a common culture, which they
developed over
centuries. And lastly, many Russian and Ukrainian families
are
interrelated.
But Ukrainian politicians' ideological confrontations with
Russia, and
Russia's apathy towards the issue, are making their people
hostages to a
war against the ghosts of the past.
This is a perfect
background for some Ukrainian political analysts, who
write in the press
about choosing a specifically Ukrainian path towards
Europe, in the name of
which Russia, once the closest and friendliest of
neighbors, is termed "the
country of Russian imperialism." They seem to
believe that if they want to
become part of Europe, they should attack
Russia.
A top official in
Yushchenko's administration recently told me that Ukraine
can become not only
a gas transit but also a political corridor between
Russia and Western
Europe.
This is a disputable idea, for Russia does not need
intermediaries, but it
is quite new for Ukraine. Maybe Ukraine should use the
available
foundation to rebuild its ideological superstructure of
confrontation with
Russia into that of real partnership.
This idea has
also been supported in the European Union, which Ukraine
wants to join so
much.
Justas Paleckis, a Lithuanian member of the European Parliament
who
attended meetings of the Ukraine-EU inter-parliamentary
cooperation
committee, told the Ukrainian daily Den: "The main thing for
Ukraine is to
have good relations with Russia. The European Union does not
need
countries that have problems with their neighbors."
Therefore, the war against the ghosts of the past is useless and
even
harmful to Ukraine.
In the meantime, Yushchenko will be
building his museum of Soviet
occupation, and maybe some time soon U.S.
anti-ballistic missile
systems will be deployed near it. After all, what
could be better than a
good
neighbor?
-30-
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The
opinions expressed in this article are the author's and do not
necessarily
represent those of RIA
Novosti.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
LINK:
http://en.rian.ru/analysis/20070309/61773609.html------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[
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Journal: Holodomor 1932-1933]
========================================================
5
. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO SAYS LEADERSHIP
OF THE EUROPEAN PEOPLE'S
PARTY AGREE TO SUPPORT
THE HOLODOMOR AS GENOCIDE
Office of the President of Ukraine
Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, March 8, 2007
KYIV - Victor Yushchenko
told reporters in Brussels on Thursday he
approved the participation of Ukraine's center-right parties in today's
summit of the European People's Party in Brussels.
"I think it is a
very important instrument to promote Ukrainian policy in
Europe," he
said.
The President said party contacts were productive and helped
develop
economic, energy and humanitarian ties, as well as any other
cooperation
"where there are no ideological differences no matter what
country we are
speaking about."
Mr. Yushchenko
added that he had asked the leadership of the EPP to
support a declaration to recognize the Holodomor of
1932-1933 as
genocide and had been reassured they
would.
-30-
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Journal: Holodomor 1932-1933]
========================================================
6
. UKRAINE & EUROPEAN
PARLIAMENT PRESIDENT'S
DISCUSS
DEVELOPMENT OF UKRAINE-EU RELATIONS
Yushchenko thanked
deputies who submitted genocide resolution
Ukrainian News Agency, Kyiv,
Ukraine, Thursday, March 8, 2007
KYIV - President Viktor Yuschenko
and President of the European
Parliament Hans-Gert Pottering discussed in Brussels (Belgium) the
future
development of relations between Ukraine and the European
Union.
This follows from a statement by the president's press service, a
copy
of which was made available to Ukrainian News.
Yuschenko assured Pottering that Ukraine has no plans to change its
European integration policy.
He noted that a clear European
perspective is an essential element of
democratic transformations in
Ukraine, saying that Ukraine will prove its
European ambitions by practical
steps on its way to gradual integration
with the EU's internal market and deepened cooperation.
As Pottering
noted, the European Parliament welcomes Ukraine's aspirations
for European
integrations and Yuschenko's personal efforts in this
direction.
'Ukraine is on the European way. The European Parliament
fully sympathizes
with Ukraine. It's a European nation. President Yuschenko
also has our full
support and my support personally,' he
said.
Yuschenko and Pottering discussed the launch of the talks regarding
a new
enhanced agreement between Ukraine and the EU.
The Ukrainian president noted that the stage of principle formation and
agreement provisions is of vital importance to Ukraine.
'We're in the
beginning of this process, a consultative period has started
and it's
important for us that the European Parliament and European Union
hear us,'
Yuschenko said.
According to him, it's important for Ukraine that the new
agreement with the
EU strengthens foundations for the EU's functioning, with
new partners
participating.
DRAFT
DECLARATION ON GENOCIDE 1932-1933
Yuschenko also expressed
gratitude to European Parliament deputies who
submitted a draft declaration
on recognizing the famine of 1932-1933 in
Ukraine as genocide against the
Ukrainian nation and asked the European
Parliament's head to personally
support the initiative.
The president of Ukraine invited Pottering
to pay an official visit to Ukraine
any time convenient for him, and received consent. As Ukrainian News
earlier reported, on March 8, Yuschenko left for Brussels on a working
visit.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
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1932-1933]
========================================================
7
. UNITED KINGDOM: SIGN THE UKRAINIAN GENOCIDE
PETITION
LETTER-TO-THE-EDITOR: From: Stepan Speight
Komarnyckyj
Ukrainian Genocide Petition in the United Kingdom
Ukrainian
Genocide Journal, Issue Two, Article Seven
the Ukrainian Genocide Journal?
The more people who sign, and the
more people who visit the
in Google searches and signposts people towards the petition) the greater
will be the impact.
I am aware that some British politicians will
resist Holodomor recognition
so this support is required.
Please
help,
Yours truly. Steve Komarnyckyj (
[email protected])
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
========================================================
8
.
IN MEMORY OF EXECUTED
UKRAINIANS
By German invaders in 1942 at Babyn
Yar
All-Ukrainian Svoboda (Freedom) association
Posted
on the maidan.org.ua website
Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, February 26, 2007 (in
Ukrainian)
Published by the Ukrainian Genocide Journal
Issue One, Article Eight (in English)
Washington, D.C., Sunday, March
11, 2007
On Feb. 25, 2007 the Ukrainian community of Kyiv commemorated
the
Ukrainian nationalists executed by the German invaders in Babyn
Yar.
In February of 1942, the Germans executed activists of the Ukrainian
nationalist underground in Babyn Yar - Olena and Mykhailo Teliha, Hanna
and Ivan Rohach, Ivan Irlyavsky, the Sukhoversky sisters, Yaroslav
Orshan-Chemerynsky, Odarka Huzar-Chemerynska, Mykola Olijnyk,
among many others.
In total, 621 members of the Organization of
Ukrainian Nationalists, OUN,
were shot in Babyn Yar.
According to
historians, over 55,000 Ukrainians were executed by the
Germans in Babyn Yar. The place has become a symbol of a great
Ukrainian tragedy.
On Feb. 25, over 200 Ukrainians came to Babyn Yar
to honor the memory
of active fighters for independent and sovereign Ukrainian
state.
Lighted by torches, Ukrainian national flags and red-and-black
flags of the
Ukrainian revolution could be seen around the place. The
commemoration
events started with the service for the dead nationalists held
at the
commemorative cross. Near the cross, participants made another cross
-
from lighted icon-lamps.
The rally after the service was opened by
the leader of Kyiv OUN branch
Bohdan Chervak. He briefly described the
events of the WWII, stressing that
there is a Christian cross at the site of
mass murders of Kyiv residents.
"This humble cross is here to commemorate
sacrificial deaths of thousands of
Ukrainian patriots murdered by the
Germans in wartime. It is here in Babyn
Yar that the renowned Ukrainian
poetess Olena Teliha is buried. We will
celebrate her 100th birth
anniversary in July."
Bohdan Chervak also added that, despite many
forthcoming speeches to
be made by politicians and well-know public leaders, they will be never
able
to reveal the whole truth about Olena Teliha.
"Why? The answer is
simple: in the country still fighting for its statehood
there are those who
regard Teliha as their enemy - because she never lowered
the Ukrainian
national revolution flag," the leader of the Kyiv OUN branch
stressed.
Head of Kyiv Patriot of Ukraine public organization Serhy
Bevz said tens of
thousands of Ukrainians had been shot in Babyn Yar. Their
only guilt was
that they were Ukrainians.
"Today, Ukraine is an
independent country but this independence is ephemeral
because Ukraine is
still ruled by foreigners. We have to realize that the
colors of invaders,
be they red, brown or any other, do not matter. What
matters is that their
only goal is to exterminate Ukrainians," he added.
For his part, deputy
head of Kyiv Svoboda branch Andry Illenko emphasized
that the public is
unaware of the fact that primarily ethnic Ukrainians, not
political
opponents, were shot in Babyn Yar.
" We must know that not only OUN
members lost their lives here. Ordinary
Ukrainian were shot too, as well as
prisoners of war.
Yes, representatives of other nations were executed
here, but we must
remember that it is basically the site of the Ukrainian
tragedy. We must
fully restore historical and national justice," Andry
Illenko said.
Other speakers at the rally included representatives
of the Kyiv branch of
the Youth Nationalist Congress, Ukrainian
Resistance, the youth branch of
the Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists (Kyiv
branch), organizing committee
of the International court to try the crimes
of Communists against humanity,
and the Ukrainian People's Party.
In
conclusion of the rally, head of Kyiv branch All-Ukrainian Svoboda
association Andry Mokhnyk stressed that the main obstacle barring
Ukrainians from knowing their history are communist myths originated in
Moscow.
[1] First, that Germans executed mainly non-Ukrainians in
Babyn Yar.
[2] Second, that Ukrainian nationalists helped Germans to
carry out
executions in Babyn Yar.
"It's a blatant lie. Babyn Yar is
mainly a cite of the tragedy of
Ukrainians, with over 55,000 Ukrainians
being murdered there.
Simultaneously, Babyn Yar is a hallmark of the
unbreakable Ukrainian spirit.
In Babyn Yar the Germans shot activists of the
Ukrainian nationalist
underground movement.
It's an established fact
that 621 OUN members found their deaths there.
They were executed as fighters of the Ukrainian national revolution," Andry
Mokhnyk underlined.
For the record: on Feb. 16, 2007 nationalist
patriotic organizations in Kyiv
created a coordinating council, Ukrainian
Community of Kyiv, which includes
Svoboda (Kyiv branch), OUN (Kyiv branch),
Les Kurbas Cultural Society,
Youth Nationalist Congress (Kyiv branch), Patriot of Ukraine NGO,
Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists (youth council of the Kyiv branch),
All-Ukrainian Stepan Bandera organization Tryzub (Kyiv branch), Ukrainian
Resistance, organizing committee of the International court to try the
crimes
of Communists against humanity, and Institute for Human Rights
NGO.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
LINK:
http://maidan.org.ua/static/news/2007/1172511331.html)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
NOTE: This
article was translated from Ukrainian to English solely
for the Ukrainian
Genocide Journal by Volodymyr Hrytsutenko,
Lviv, Ukraine.
Translated article can be used but only with permission
from the Ukrainian Genocide Journal.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[
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1932-1933]
=======================================================
9
. 63RD ANNIVERSARY OF THE NATIONAL TRAGEDY
OF
CHECHEN AND
INGUSHS, SOVIET GENOCIDEAndrew P. Grigorenko,
President
General Petro Grigorenko Foundation
New York, New York,
Saturday, February 24, 2007
Dear Friends,
Today February 23, 2007 is a 63rd anniversary of the national
tragedy
of Chechen and Ingushs. At this day, 63 years ago, the
soviet
international-socialist committed the gravest crime against Humanity
-
genocide.
They hoped, under the cover of Second World War,
to eliminate those
who from their point of view belong to suspicious ethno-religious groups,
and who does not fit into Procrustean bed of communism.
At this day,
Chechen and Ingushs, similar to the other deported people, were
ousted from
their ancestral homes and as cattle horded into freight cars,
which took
them away into eternal exile and dooming them to death. The
deportee loses
amounted to a half of their entire population.
Even today, regardless of
a spectacle crash of international-socialist
empire of evil, those who
considered themselves the legal successors of
USSR, do not get around even
to apologize to the victims of genocide, or
pay them for their sufferings.
Instead, they sow grains of ethnic
hatred, supporting and blowing up the
local conflicts, and in case of
Chechnya, they are conducting dirty colonial
war, the war that brought
Chechen people again to the abyss of total
annihilation.
Today I
would like to appeal to Russian people: Stop your rulers! Stop the
new
imperialists! It is time finally comprehend, that the empire brought a
misery not only to colonial people, but as well to the people of Russia
herself.
The rulers of modern Russia murdered the two legitimate
presidents of
Chechnya, but they will fail to subdue a freedom-loving
people, the people
who sustained their desire to read of occupation for two
centuries.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
LINK:
http://groups.google.com/group/grigorenko_us?hl=en-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
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1932-1933]
========================================================
10
. UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT YUSHCHENKO CONDOLES WITH
JEWS
ON INTERNATIONAL HOLOCAUST REMEMBRANCE DAY
Office of the
President of Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine, Sat, Jan 27, 2007
Ukrainians, who
survived the Great Famine of 1932-1933 and know what
genocide is, condole
with Jews on International Holocaust Remembrance
Day, Victor Yushchenko said in an address on January 27.
"Ukrainians
have always remembered the victims of the World War II," he
said. The
President said over 1.5 million of Ukraine's Jews had been
exterminated by
the Nazis during the war.
"Ukraine has spared and will spare no effort to
ensure that xenophobia and
anti-Semitism never become an element of
politics."
-30-
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Journal: Holodomor 1932-1933]
========================================================
11
. HEAD OF ALL-UKRAINIAN JEWISH CONGRESS
PROPOSING TO
INTRODUCE CRIMINAL PROSECUTION FOR HOLOCAUST
DENIAL
Interfax Ukraine News, Kyiv, Ukraine, Wednesday, January
24, 2007
MOSCOW - The head of the All-Ukrainian Jewish Congress Vadym
Rabinovich has proposed to introduce criminal prosecution for the denial
of the Holocaust.
In a letter to the Verkhovna Rada Speaker,
deputies and the Prime Minister,
the text of which was obtained by Interfax
on Wednesday, he said, in
particular, that "this is crucial today, when
attempts are being made to
re-write the history of the Second World War,
during which hundreds of
thousands of Ukrainian Jews were
massacred."
Rabinovich said the introduction of criminal prosecution for
the denial of
the mass destruction of Jews "will serve as a warning against
any attempts
at reviving fascism, xenophobia, anti-Semitism, interethnic and
inter-religious hatred and will demonstrate once again Ukraine's steady,
uncompromising stance in its refusal to accept and condemnation of such
phenomena, as well as its adherence to the principles of tolerance,
democracy and human moral
values."
-30-
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[Ukrainian Genocide Journal: Holodomor
1932-1933]
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12
. DOCUMENTARY ABOUT THE UKRAINIAN GENOCIDE
OF
1932-1933 (HOLODOMOR) NOW AVAILABLE IN DVD
FORMAT
Ukrainian Canadian Research & Documentation Centre,
Toronto
Ukrainian Genocide Journal, Issue Two, Article Twelve
Washington, D.C., Sunday, March 11, 2007
TORONTO - The Ukrainian
Canadian Research & Documentation
Centre (UCRDC) is pleased to inform you
that the internationally
acclaimed, award winning documentary "Harvest of
Despair" is now
available in DVD format in English for $25.00. [Information
about the
documentary from the UCRDC website is found below.]
Please
contact the UCRDC for further details:
Nadia Skop, Executive
Administrator
Ukrainian Canadian Research and Documentation Centre
620
Spadina Ave., Toronto, Ontario, Canada, M5S 2H4
Telephone: 416-966-1819; Fax:
416-966-1820;
E-mail:
[email protected]-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
HARVEST OF DESPAIR
It is called the
forgotten holocaust - a time when Stalin was dumping
millions of tons of
wheat on Western markets, while in Ukraine, men,
women, and children were
dying of starvation at the rate of 25,000 a
day, 17 human beings a
minute.
Seven to ten million people perished in a famine caused not by
war or
natural disasters, but by ruthless decree.
To commemorate the
50th anniversary of this tragedy the Ukrainian Famine
Research Committee
(former name of UCRDC) gathered materials, sought
out eye-witnesses and
documented this horrific event. Harvest of Despair
is the product of this
effort.
The documentary probes the tragic consequences of Ukraine's
struggle for
greater cultural and political autonomy in the 1920s and
1930s.
Through rare archival footage, the results of Stalin's
lethal
countermeasures unfold in harrowing detail. Harvest of Despair
examines
why this man-made famine remains so little known.
Blinded by
radical leftwing ideals, world statesmen, such as Edouard
Herriot, Pulitzer
Prize-winning journalists and writers such as George
Bernard Shaw, all
contributed to the regime's campaign of concealment.
Even the democratic
governments of the depression-hit West preferred to
remain silent over Soviet
Russia's atrocities in order to continue import
and export trade.
In
1932-33, roughly one-quarter of the entire population of Ukraine
perished
through brutal starvation. Harvest of Despair, through its stark,
haunting
images, provides the eloquent testimony of a lost generation that
has been
silenced too long.
The film Harvest of Despair won the awards
and honours at the following
festivals:
1.
Houston International Film Festival - April 1985 - Houston,
Texas
2. Strasburg International Film Festival -
April 1985
3. Festival Des Filmes Du Monde - August
1985 - Montreal, Quebec
4. New York Film Festival -
September 1985 - New York City
5. Columbus
International Film Festival - November 1985 -
Columbus,
Ohio
6. Yorkton Short Film and Video Festival -
October 1985
7. International Film and T.V. Festival
of New York - November
1985
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
LINK:
http://www.ucrdc.org/
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[
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Journal: Holodomor 1932-1933]
========================================================
13
. HOLODOMOR DOCUMENTARY "HARVEST OF
DESPAIR"
POSTED ON GOOGLE
VIDEO
Ukrainian Genocide Journal, Issue Two, Article 13
Washington, D.C., Sunday, March 11, 2007
WASHINGTON - The documentary "Harvest of
Despair" has been
posted on Google video. The link to the documentary:
http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=3897393411603039499&q=famine+Ukraine&hl=enLeonard
Klady wrote the following about the documentary film, "Harvest
of Despair" in
an article for the Winnipeg Free Press, Friday, October
26, 1984 which is
posted on the Infoukes website, Toronto, Canada:
"IN THE FALL and spring
of 1932 and 1933, the government of the
Soviet Union created a man-made
famine in Ukraine to quell what was
perceived as the dangerous threat of
regional nationalism.
With alarming design, the authorities succeeded in
their goal. The
possibility of rebellion was eliminated at a most terrible
cost of millions
of lives.
Harvest of Despair recalls this black
period of modern inhumanity. The
exceedingly well-documented film details an
act of genocide using both
personal and historical ammunition.
The
result is an unquestionably sobering film which rightfully deserves
wide
distribution on television and in the educational
system.
Produced by the Ukrainian Famine Research Committee (since
renamed the
Ukrainian Canadian Research and Documentation Center --
Webmaster
InfoUkes) with assistance from the National Film Board and a
variety of
private and public funding sources, the movie screened at the
Planetarium
Auditorium of the Manitoba Museum of Man and Nature on October
26
and 27, 1984. It is a real eye-opener.
The startling aspect of this
bit of history goes well beyond the act by the
regime of Josef Stalin. The
insidious nature of what transpired was
orchestrated in such a fashion that
those within and outside the borders of
the Soviet Union were led to believe
low crop yields and drought were the
cause of what is estimated to be seven
million deaths.
However, subsequently available meteorological, trade and
political data
quite conclusively proved this not to be the case.
THE
ROOTS OF THIS deliberate and vicious act are traced back to the
years
immediately following the 1917 Revolution. Emerging from the era of
the
Czars, Lenin opened the door to liberal trade and cultural activity
in
Ukraine.
As detailed in the film, it was a time of tremendous
growth of all types in
the region. With Lenin's death and the rise to power
of Stalin, there was a
change in Soviet government attitudes.
Ukraine,
with its independent attitudes in education, politics and culture,
was viewed
as a hot bed of dissent. No method was viewed as being too
severe to bring
the area back into the fold.
The historical documentation has been
vividly assembled. One can see that
tremendous research was a part of making
Harvest of Despair. There can be no
question that without the film and
photographs uncovered from the 1932-33
famine, the film would lose much of
its authority.
However, the production's greatest asset remains the
eloquent and emotional
testimony of survivors and first-hand witnesses to the
horrors.
Memories of those who saw relatives and friends slowly succumb
to disease
and malnutrition fill one with the most terrifying images. It is
clear from
the tone of these people's recollections that their lives were
forever
changed by the experience.
Harvest of Despair is a chilling
reminder that so-called civilized modern
societies continue to participate in
or remain silent witness to the most
gruesome atrocities. Let's hope in some
small fashion this and other like
documents can reverse the terrible
tide.
FOR YURIJ LUHOVY, THE PRODUCER and editor of Harvest of
Despair,
the documentary provided him with a very special opportunity to
stand up
and be counted for something of a very personal nature.
The
34-year-old film-maker, a native of Montreal, admits most of his income
has
come from editing feature films of questionable quality. He has a
reputation
as a good "doctor" someone who's brought in to salvage a movie
which is
deemed unreleaseable by film exhibitors and distributors.
"This movie,"
he says, "represents one of those rare situations where you
have to
demonstrate some courage and conviction.
It may seem very strange but
even 50 years after the actual famine,
survivors now living in Canada and the
United States are still fearful of
reprisals. I cannot honestly say whether
relatives of mine who live in the
Soviet Union will not suffer because of
this film."
Despite positive response to world premiere screenings in
Toronto last
month, Luhovy remains anxious about the film's reception and its
eventual
distribution to television and educational systems.
Produced
on a modest budget of less than $200,000, the producer-editor
indicates that
the film could simply not have been made without the
tremendous commitment of
many people.
He personally viewed more than a million fe&t of
historic stock footage to
find roughly 20 minutes (720 feet) of appropriate
material for the film.
HE ALSO INTERVIEWED more than a hundred living
survivors of the
famine who live in Montreal. In the vast majority of cases,
these people
refused to be filmed or would only consent on the understanding
the
material would not be seen until after their deaths. Luhovy says their
fear
of reprisals is unshakeable.
"Of course, all of us who
participated in the film would hope it has some
small effect on getting the
famine official recognition by Soviet
authorities,' Luhovy notes.
"But
most important is that people not forget what occurred. The film was
not made
out of anger, it was made to show the senselessness of the action.
We must
always remember this and ensure such incidents never happen
again."
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Harvest
of Despair: The 1932-33 Famine in Ukraine. Director: Slavko
Novytski,
Producers Yuri Luhovy and S.
Novytski.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Article
Reprinted, with permission, from the Winnipeg Free Press,
Winnipeg, Canada,
Friday, October 26, 1984.
LINK:
http://www.infoukes.com/history/famine/harvest_of_despair/------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The
documentary "Harvest of Despair" has been posted on Google video.
The link to
the documentary:
http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=3897393411603039499&q=famine+Ukraine&hl=en-
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[
return to index] [Ukranian Genocide Journal: Holodomor
1932-1933]
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14
.
JAMES MACE MEMORIAL PANEL
New evidence on how the famine was eye-witnessed and
concealed.
IAUS Congress, Donetsk, Ukraine, Wednesday 29th June 2005.
Ukrainian Genocide Journal, Issue Two, Article Fourteen
Washington, D.C., Sunday, March 11, 2006
WASHINGTON - The James Mace Memorial Panel at the IAUS
Congress in Donetsk, Ukraine on Wednesday, June 29, 2005 was
chaired by Professor Mark von Hagen (a.m.) and Vasyl' Marochko
(p.m.)
Five papers presented in Donetsk in 2005 are now available in PDF/MS
Word on the Gareth Jones website thanks to the outstanding work of
Margaret Siriol Colley and Nigel Lisan Colley in the United Kingdom.
The five papers can be found at the following link:
http://www.colley.co.uk/garethjones/james_mace.htm.-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[
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1932-1933]
========================================================
15
. RUSSIAN UNION OF FORMER CHILD PRISONERS FROM
NAZI
CONCENTRATION CAMPS ACCUSE UKRAINIAN
POLITICIANS
OF REWRITING HISTORY ABOUT GENOCIDE DURING
FAMINEInterfax Ukraine News, Moscow, Russia, Tue, February 20,
2007
MOSCOW - Ukrainian neo-nationalists are trying to re-write the
history,
the Russian Union of Former Child Prisoners from Nazi
Concentration
Camps (RSNBU) said in a statement on Tuesday
"The voices
of the ideological successors to the Organization of Ukrainian
Nationalists
and the Ukrainian Rebellion Army (OUN-UPA) have become
louder recently as
they bid to falsify history, to turn two brotherly
nations, Russia and
Ukraine, into foes.
Russia, for instance, is publicly accused of the
genocide of the Ukrainian
people, during the Famine in 1932-1933," the
statement says.
A number of Ukrainian politicians are trying to use an
old thesis about
premeditated genocide, which first appeared during the Cold
War among
Ukrainian nationalists who fled abroad, it says.
"The famine
spread throughout the Soviet Union, millions of Russians
and other Soviets
fell victim to it. The population of Ukrainian towns
had bread and other food
supplied from Russia, Polish and Bulgarian
villages," it says.
"The
RSNBU considers the attempts by some Ukrainian politicians to
rehabilitate
OUN-UPA nationalists to be unacceptable and blasphemous.
These are
murderers who fought on the same side as Nazi Germany and
are responsible for
killing millions of people. It is a fact that Ukrainian
nationalists were
part of the SS divisions and the notorious Nachtigal
battalion," the
statement says.
"We know what fascism is, and how people suffer from it.
That is why
we demand condemnation of the attempts by some Ukrainian
politicians
to whitewash the crimes of the Ukrainian nationalists against
mankind,
and to use the 1932-33 tragedy as a political tool," it
says. -30-
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[
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Journal: Holodomor 1932-1933]
========================================================
16
. NEW SUBSECTION OF THE 1932-1933 FAMINE-GENOCIDE
SECTION OF THE STATE
COMMITTEE ON ARCHIVES
OF UKRAINE WEB SITE
Roman Senkus, Director, CIUS Publications Program
Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, Toronto Office
Toronto,
Ontario, Canada, Wednesday, January 17, 2007
News from
Ukraine:
A new subsection of the 1932-33 Famine-Genocide section of the
State Committee on Archives of Ukraine official web site has just
documents on the Famine, both published and unpublished. The
State
Committee on Archives of Ukraine will be grateful for your
comments or suggestions.
Also please note that the entire contents of the following sections are
endangered. They may soon be erased from the web.Viewers may
want
to access these addresses ASAP:
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[
return to index] [Ukrainian Genocide
Journal: Holodomor 1932-1933]
========================================================
17
. PRES YUSHCHENKO: "ASKED WHAT THE
HOLODOMOR
WAS, MY ANSWER IS 'IT WAS
GENOCIDE'"
Ukrainian President Victor Yushchenko's address on
Remembrance
Day for the Victims of the Holodomor and Political
Repressions
Remembrance Service at St. Michael's Square in Kyiv
Official
Website of President of Ukraine (In Ukrainian)
Kyiv, Ukraine, Saturday,
November 25, 2006
Published by the Ukrainian Genocide Journal
Issue One, Article Seventeen (in English)
Washington, D.C., Sunday,
March 11, 2007
Dear Ukrainian people!
In my hand I have a
spikelet of wheat.
I wish I could offer this spikelet to a little boy who
died from starvation
in 1933 in the field near the village of Kruty in the
Chernihiv oblast.
And to a small girl in the village of Vilanka in the
Zhytomyr oblast. And to
a woman in the village of Krasnohirka in the Odesa
oblast. And to a man in
the village of Teplivka in the Poltava
oblast.
With pain in my heart, I wish I could give this spikelet to my
Granddad
Ivan and his family who died from the great famine in 1932.
I
wish I could give this spikelet to residents of thousands of towns
and
villages in Ukraine. In oblasts Kyiv, Donetsk, Cherkasy, Mykolayiv
and
Kuban.
I wish I could give this grain over tens of past years to
villages Luteske
(Kharkiv oblast), Kosenky (Sumy oblast), Zajtsivtsi (Luhansk
oblast) whose
residents, with few exceptions, died in the holodomor. They
were dying at
the rate of 17 per minute, 1,000 per hour, 25,000 per
day.
Such was the harvest of the great famine in Ukraine. Asked what
the
holodomor was, my answer is "It was genocide."
I do not know what
kind of a country Ukraine would have been, had they
survived.
But I
know what kind of a country Ukraine is today.
And I know what kind of a
country it may become, if the souls of its
innocent dead are forgotten. Once
oblivious of them, such a Ukraine will
inevitably lose its soul, its language
and its national memory. It will turn
into a faceless land with a faceless
and lifeless people.
Those denying the Holodomor loathe Ukraine deeply
and resolutely. They
hate us, our spirit and our future. They do not deny
history, they deny
Ukraine.
The Holodomor victims must be remembered
as martyrs of one of mankind's
largest catastrophes.
I do not ask, I
demand that the Ukrainian lawmakers recognize the Holodomor
as genocide. This
is their obligation and history's pressing requirement.
Same as was the act
of proclaiming Ukraine's ndependence. Relieve yourselves
of fear and
lies.
History has already passed its sentence on the murderers who had
planned
and induced the Famine, with Stalin's totalitarian Communist system
being
its main perpetrator.
This system has no national identity
because the latter is an imminent
feature of a civilization of humans. Death
from starvation and extermination
is incompatible with civilization.
A
genocide is a purposeful annihilation of a people or its part.
The 1948
UN convention defines genocide as an act committed with intent
to destroy, in
whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious
group, or cause
serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group, or
deliberately
inflict on the group conditions of life calculated to bring
about its
physical destruction in whole or in part.
And now let me quote a letter
Stalin wrote to Kahanovych, his henchman in
Ukraine in 1932:
"Ukraine
is of topmost priority. Things in Ukraine have got out of hand,
in two
oblasts (Kiev and Dnepropetrovsk, if I'm not mistaken) some 50
Communist
party rayon committees criticized the plan of mandatory grain
deliveries,
saying it cannot be met. If we don't go about rectifying the
situation in
Ukraine right away, we may lose Ukraine."
Stalin wasted no time to
deliver on his threat. A terror campaign was
launched against things
Ukrainian. The country's intellectuals, clergy,
every active representative
of the Ukrainian identity was executed. It was
a well-planned act.
At
that time the pupils of Mykhailo Hrushevsky [Ukraine's first president
exiled
to Russia - Transl.] wrote to him: "A true famine is ravaging
Ukraine. It was
induced by politicians and aimed to break the Ukrainian
nation as a sole
national force capable of serious resistance [to the
Stalin's regime -
Transl.]
Part of Ukrainians will die, others will be scattered over
Russia's
boundless territories." It was a report by a secret police agent
keeping an
eye on Hrushevsky and his friends.
The territory of
Ukraine and Kuban (adjacent area of Russia populated by
ethnic Ukrainians -
Transl.] will be sealed off by law-enforcement units to
prevent peasants from
leaving in search of food. Life will become
insignificant. Death will rule in
Ukraine.
Just think about it: according to historians, in 1933 the
average lifetime
for men in Ukraine was 7 years and 10 years for women.
What's that?
This is true genocide.
In August of 1932, the
regime imposed restrictions on trade, banning
peasants to buy or sell grain
and obliging them to turn over their grain
only to the state without any
payment.
In the fall of 1932 the authorities started to confiscate grain
from
so-called deadbeats, farmers and kolhosps that failed to meet
excessive
grain procurement targets. All of them were treated as deadbeats:
this is
genocide.
In the wake of a corresponding resolution by
the Communist party central
committee, the authorities imposed a system of
black lists for alleged
deadbeats.
In order to forcefully take away
grain, seeds and supplies of food, the
regime used secret police units to
seal off villages, farms, rayons and
kolhosps. Their number reached 82. Being
put on a black list was
tantamount to a death sentence. This is
genocide.
The regime resorted to the same methods which were used in
Jewish
ghettos and Nazi concentration camps.
The crimes of the
Holodomor paved the way for WWII crimes which
climaxed in the devilish
atrocities of the Holocaust.
It is difficult for me to continue the
crime list. Despite all the
misgivings, Ukraine has survived.
We
remember past sorrows as a warning against new crimes against
humanity. We
are counting on international understanding and support in
this
issue.
Today, speaking on Mykhajlivsky square in the heart of Kyiv, I'm
urging the
Russian Federation in the first place to join us and, by
commemorating the
Holododmor at the state level, to demonstrate the high
degree of human
empathy which is typical of the Russian people.
I'm
also urging every nation that has fallen a victim to the Communist
regime. We
were all hostages and victims of the evil regime and we must
now jointly
cleanse ourselves.
I wish to thank all countries that legally and
politically recognized the
Holodomor as an act of genocide against the
Ukrainian nation. I hope that
the United Nations will be unanimous in
recognizing the tragedy on the eve
of its 75th anniversary.
I deeply
believe this will happen, because I deeply believe in justice.
The
spikelet is burning my hand. I feel how the souls of our brothers and
sisters
are reaching to it from the past. And I feel the warmth of
their
touch.
Do not be afraid. Do not be afraid of anything any
longer. The Holodomor
dead! Your whole nation and your state is standing by
you.
Let's stop the flow of time for an instant.
And in this
instant we feel how God is listening to the
dead.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
LINK:
http://www.president.gov.ua/news/data/11_12068.html)
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
NOTE: This article was translated from Ukrainian to English
solely
for the Ukrainian Genocide Journal by Volodymyr
Hrytsutenko,
Lviv, Ukraine. The translated article can be used but only
with
permission from the Ukrainian Genocide Journal, Washington.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[
return to index] [Ukrainian Genocide Journal: Holodomor
1932-1933]
========================================================
18
. UKRAINE MARKS THE EVENTS OF 1932-1933 FOR THE
FIRST TIME AT
AN APPROPRIATE NATIONAL LEVEL
PERSONAL COMMENTARY: By Daniel
Bilak
Kyiv, Ukraine, Friday, December 1, 2006
Published by the UKL407 (The
Politics of Genocide),
The Ukraine List (UKL) #407, Article 3
Compiled by
Dominique Arel, Chair of Ukrainian Studies,
U of Ottawa,
www.ukrainianstudies.uottawa.caSupported
by the Dopomoha Ukraini Foundation
Ottawa, Canada, 12 December
2006
COMMENTARY: By Daniel Bilak <
[email protected]>
Date: Friday,
December 1, 2006 8:53 AM
Daniel Bilak is a lawyer in the firm Sergei
Koziakov & Partners in Kyiv
It's been a very emotionally trying
weekend here in Kyiv and throughout
Ukraine. This is really the first time
that the country has marked the
events of 1932-33 on an appropriately
national level.
The President spoke eloquently before the monument to the
victims of
the famine in front of the Mykhailivsky Church of the Golden
Domes.
He spoke of the fact that this catastrophic event in the history
of the
Ukrainian people was planned and executed as a deliberate policy
of
Stalin to destroy the Ukrainian people as an ethnic and national
reality.
This was an important message, because Russia, as the legal
successor to
the Soviet Union, does not recognize the famine as having been
directed
specifically at Ukrainians.
Russia maintains that the famine
was not a genocide (ie. directed at a
particular race, ethnic group or
nation), but an aspect of Stalinist
repression.
Indeed, the present
Communist Party of Ukraine and the Party of the
Regions (which forms
Ukraine's government) also reject this calamity as
a genocide against their
people.
They refuse to vote for a draft law put before the Verkhovna Rada
by the
President that would recognize the famine as a genocide and would
make
denial of the famine a punishable offence. Similar laws exist in
various
countries (including Canada) with respect to the Holocaust.
On
Saturday, in front of the Holodomor memorial, the President movingly
and
emotionally recited some of the facts regarding Ukraine's holocaust,
much of
which was detailed in a documentary film shown on national
television
Saturday night.
The following
emerges:
- in one year, 1933, in villages throughout
Soviet Ukraine, 17 Ukrainians
died every minute of the day - that's over 1000
people an hour, 25,000 per
day, almost 10 million during that year;
-
that the average life span of a man during the period 1926 - 1937
was
calculated at 7 years and for a woman 11 years;
- that Ukraine in
1957 had 70% less population than it should have had
based on the rising
birth rates in the country from 1900-1926;
- the census held in 1957
showed that Ukraine had lost one-quarter of its
population since the last
published census held in 1926 (the results of the
1937 census were so awful
that Stalin had them suppressed) ;
- that throughout the famine period of
1932-33, the Soviet Union recorded
massive grain exports.
The
documentary showed shocking footage and described the horrors of
the famine
through the tesimony of survivors:
- the army was deployed to circle and
cordon off villages and even whole
oblasts to prevent starving villagers from
fleeing their homes. Those who
escaped were returned to face certain
death;
- starving children were picked up off the street and carted off
to special
homes and left to die;
- Soviet commissars went from house
to house, first taking the peasants'
grain, then their animals, then their
shovels, rakes, axes, and anything
else that they could use to feed
themselves;
- people in the towns would drop dead in the middle of
the street and at
the height of the famine, so many died that there weren't
enough coffins to
bury people; the bodies were thrown into mass
graves;
- in 1933 so many peasants were foraging for food and dying on
the streets
of towns and cities like Kharkiv that the internal passport
system (which
still exists and whose logic still baffles westerners)was
designed in order
to ensure that villagers couldn't leave their villages and
would die at
home;
- the commissars would try to catch people who had
hidden food by using
tricks like arresting a child and since there was no
food in the jails, they
would wait to see if the parents brought anything for
the child to eat. If
they did, it meant that there was more to take from
them. The parents
were then often shot or sent to labour camps;
-
mothers forbid their children to go outdoors to protect them from
neighbours
who, mad from hunger, would kidnap children to eat them.
This insanity
took place only in Soviet Ukraine and in the predominantly
Ukrainian area of
the Kuban in Soviet Russia bordering Ukraine. Although
there was a famine in
the Volga region, in most of the neighbouring oblasts
of Russia and
Byeolrussia (literally next door), the villagers were
relatively well fed.
Many Russians were sympathetic to the plight of their
Ukrainian neighbours,
but were prevented from delivering food by the
Soviet Army.
One
survivor, who was later interned in a Nazi concentration camp
(what this
woman lived through!), said that the famine was much worse than
war. In war,
a few of your neighbours die, she explained. In the famine
entire families
and whole villages were wiped out. At least in the camps
they gave you a
daily ration of stale bread, water, and a potato.
The diary of one
village teacher described the transformation of her
neighbours: "starvation
is slowly turning people into brutal, savage,
dehumanized beings capable of
the worst crimes..."
There is finally in Ukraine an open discussion of
what happened in 1932-33
and a rising appreciation of its affect on the
Ukrainian psyche. In Soviet
times, the mere mention of a "famine in 1933" in
Ukraine meant immediate
arrest and deportation to a labour camp in Siberia.
The teacher whose words
are quoted above was sentenced to 10 years hard
labour and 5 years internal
exile upon discovery of her diaries in
1945.
Her words have been brought to light by my friend Ihor Drizhchaniy,
the
head of Ukraine's Security Service, the SBU (the former KGB). He
ordered
over 5000 documents from that era declassified and they are now on
display
[a small number of them, UGJ Editor] in a special exhibition at
Ukrainskiy
Dim, as well as on the SBU official web site.
Ihor is a true patriot
and it is an honour for me to have him as my friend.
He has performed a
tremendous service to the Ukrainian people. The
materials on display for
everyone to read are as stunning as they are
revolting.
The plans to
exterminate Ukrainians are as clinical as anything the Nazis
documented
regarding the Final Solution for the Jews.
What emerges is that Stalin
feared the Bolsheviks were losing their control
over Ukraine, especially in
the villages. Stalin realized that if the
Bolsheviks lost control in
Ukraine, they would fall from power.
Stalin feared both the rising
national identity among the peasants and the
general populace (as a result of
the successful ukrainianization policies of
the 1920's), as well as Ukraine's
rising population (which was growing as
fast as China's at the
time).
Ukraine's burgeoning national consciousness was already
obstructing
Stalin's plans to create a new "Soviet Man" and the peasantry's
rejection of
collectivization was beginning to erode Party discipline and
Stalin's grip
on Ukraine. His plan was to rid the Party of these obstacles by
destroying
the source of the obstruction, the Ukrainian village.
By
starving the villages, Stalin would break the will of the Ukrainian
nation
and fill the demographic hole by populating Ukraine's rich soil with
Russians and other ethnic groups from other parts of the Soviet Union. To
a large extent, Stalin succeeded. In the 1920's ethnic Russians made up
only 7% of Ukraine's population. By 1957, they made up over 20%.
The
famine abated in late 1933 when Stalin felt that he had sufficiently
broken
the spirit of the Ukrainian people and had reasserted Party control
over the
countryside. He realized that he could not repopulate Ukraine
quickly enough
to produce the food necessary to feed the rest of the Soviet
Union in the
looming war in Europe.
By the end of 1933, the collective farms started
giving out food to those
peasants still able to work and most Ukrainian
villagers were starved into
submitting to the collectivization
process.
Stalin turned his attention to planning a reign of terror to
"cleanse" the
whole of the Soviet Union of "counter-revolutionary" elements
in the
Communist Party, which began in 1934, killing millions until the onset
of
World War II.
In this horrific context, the Holodomor offers
Ukrainians an opportunity to
discover common truths about themselves by
asking what it was about being
"Ukrainian" that resulted in the perpetration
of this heinous crime. The
Holodomor has attracted intense interest and
generated serious discussions
across the country.
Scholarship on the
subject is widely published and is picked up in the
popular press. The
interest cuts across generations. It was heartening to
see large numbers of
young families with small children wandering the
candle-lit squares in front
of St. Sophia and St. Mykhalivskiy.
The whole nation marked the famine
with a national moment of
silence following the President's address. People
across the country put
candles in their windows to burn all night to mark the
occasion.
I was moved to see young children carefully sheltering candles
standing
next to weeping survivors of the famine, who pointed out where
the
candles should be set before the Holodomor memorial.
A Hungarian
friend of mine noted recently that the most remarkable thing
about the
"Maidan" was that it was a peaceful revolution where the people
stood up to
demand from their rulers respect for their dignity, and won.
They
believed in the righteousness of their actions. That spirit has
not
dissipated in the cynicism of the post-Maidan era. Perhaps the halo
effect
of the Maidan and the facts of the Holodomor will stimulate Ukrainians
to
come to terms with a common identity and their broader place in the
world.
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[
return to index] [Ukrainian Genocide
Journal: Holodomor 1932-1933]
========================================================
19
.
HOLODOMOR: INAPPROPRIATE
RENAMING
ANALYSIS & COMMENTARY: By Ihor
Lutsenko
Ukrayinska Pravda online, Kyiv, Ukraine,
Monday, November 27,
2006 (in Ukrainian)
Published by the Ukrainian Genocide Journal
Issue Two, Article Nineteen (in English)
Washington, D.C., Sunday,
March 11, 2007
Obviously, many who observed Yushchenko efforts to equate
the
holodomor and genocide got the impression that Ukrainians have
been
trespassing on someone else's turf.
It's no simple matter to
equate one horrendous crime and the other that
has already been defined,
branded and denounced.
It looks like the law of precedent applied to
history.
Not a bad idea, but only at a first glance: because to implement
it in
reality head on, like Viktor Yushchenko is doing, is not a simple
matter.
HISTORICAL CRIMINALISTICS
There are two reasons for
this.
[1] First, the regime that committed this crime continues to exist
now, in a
curtailed form. It is going out of its way to stop people around
the world
from knowing the true measure of the Holodomor.
[2] Second,
there is a technical reason. Unlike Stalin, Hitler preferred
direct style,
transparency of his policy, to use modern parlance.
By openly declaring
ethnic Jews a lower race he legitimized all further
encroachments on their
rights, including the right to live. The openness of
style is a unique thing,
especially so with regard to Hitler's criminal
acts.
You don't often
see a murderer who speaks out loud about his intent to
commit a crime and
then commits this crime in earnest under camera lenses.
Something of the
kind happened in Nazi Germany, substantially facilitating
the condemnation of
genocide in Germany. It is not difficult, therefore, to
prove the Nazis'
guilt.
Proving the guilt of Cheka operators, Bolsheviks and their leader
Stalin is
a much more difficult challenge. Hypocrisy thrived in their midst,
and their
orders didn't have the clear chauvinistic edge.
No one gave
orders to exterminate the Ukrainians, it would have been stamped
as
politically incorrect [by the Bolsheviks themselves - Transl.]. Let it
be
recalled that the incumbent Russian regime is loath to release
complete
information about the Holodomor.
Therefore, the Nazis openly
exterminated the Jews, openly declaring their
racial inferiority. Whereas
Ukrainians were exterminated in a furtive way,
keeping the motives
secret.
MOTIVES FOR EXTERMINATION
Quite a few motives were invented
in the past, from destroying a base for
political opposition in the USSR to
vengeance by the Jews for some past
historical grudges.
Small
wonder, as any mass murder is so much unnatural, senseless and
horrible that,
trying to explain it, humans tend to broaden the framework of
logic giving
rise to the wildest scenarios. Whatever the motive for
extermination, it
stems from a sole source - separate self-identification
of
Ukrainians.
The existence of a multi-million group of people
divergent from other groups
in the USSR by many parameters, ranging from the
language and traditions to
the way of maintaining households and
self-government was a real threat.
This specific group had a fresh
experience of armed fighting, it remembered
many radical political ideas
dating back to tumultuous events that shook the
Russian empire in the late
19th and early 20th centuries.
In addition, this specific group populated
strategic areas along the western
border of the red Communist empire and was
rich in agricultural and
industrial resources. It was these factors that
eventually determined its
fate. A pretext for destruction was found
easily.
The issue of collaborationists must be treated separately. The
fact that
many Ukrainians sided with the Bolshevik regime gives no ground to
shift
part of the blame to the Ukrainian people as a whole, presenting
the
holodomor almost as an act of self-destruction.
It is the same as
putting the finger for Nazi atrocities in Russia on
General Vlasov [Soviet
general who led his army to surrender to the
Germans in 1941 - Transl.] and indigenous population hired by
the
Germans as policemen. Every nation has its share of traitors but we will
not dwell on it now.
No genocide, ergo, no crime?
As regards
the discussion whether or not to recognize the holodomor as
genocide, it is
apparently counterproductive.
Millions died horrible deaths in
Ukraine.
Is it a reason enough to view the holodomor as a lesser crime
than the
genocide carried out by the Nazi Germany? Is it a reason enough not
to
denounce the unprecedented crime of the holodomor in the same way as
the genocide has been denounced?
Doesn't holodomor in Ukraine
deserve to become a separate precedent in
history, to serve as a yardstick
for other, lesser similar crimes by
totalitarian regimes? Doesn't it deserve
its own name?
Most probably, the Ukrainian experience of revealing and
exposing the
crime of holodomor can be of great help to those trying to expose similar
crimes in other countries.
That is why the dispute [over how to call
the horrible famine in Ukraine -
Transl.] should be stopped as it is
fraught with a dangerous trap: if it is
not recognized as genocide, it is not
a crime?
Both parties must admit: it's not important whether you call it
genocide or
not. Under a different name the crime is no less
horrible.
Meanwhile, trying to score political points by renaming
historical icons
with the help of loan cliches will only do harm.
It
will harm Ukrainians - by presenting them as those with a much lower
status
of victims.
It will harm the civilization - by hiding from humanity this
unprecedented
crime.
-30-
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
NOTE: This article was translated from Ukrainian to English
solely
for the Ukrainian Genocide Journal by Volodymyr
Hrytsutenko,
Lviv, Ukraine. The translated article can be used but only
with
permission from the Ukrainian Genocide Journal, Washington.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
LINK:
http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2006/11/27/51390.htm-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[
return to index] [Ukrainian Genocide Journal: Holodomor
1932-1933]
========================================================
20
. CONSEQUENCES OF FAMINE
GENOCIDE
By Fedir Moroziuk, Member, Ukrainian Association
of
Holodomor Researchers, Kherson Oblast (Article written in 1997)
Posted
on
www.Golodomor.com website, Kyiv,
Ukraine (in Ukrainian)
A Program of the Ukraine 3000 International Fund
Published by the Ukrainian Genocide Journal
Issue Two, Article Twenty (in English)
Washington, D.C., Sunday, March 11, 2007
It is over half the century, to be exact 65 years [1997], since the
famine-
genocide in 1932-1933 in Ukraine. Although all progressive mankind have
recognized it as a reality, only P. Symonenko, leader of Ukrainian
Communists, speaking on television on Nov. 7 declared with irony, that
the
holodomor death toll calculated by self-proclaimed researchers exceeds
the Ukrainian population of the country.
I will not speak for all
Ukraine, but there are no Ukrainians left in the
Kherson oblast, let alone
people speaking Ukrainian. We communicate in
surzhyk, a weird mixture of
Russian and Ukrainian, while local leaders
communicate only in
Russian.
Small wonder, as according to survivors from those times and
archive
materials, the place of those who died from starvation was taken by
settlers
from Russia's oblasts Gorky, Ivanovo, other central oblasts as well
as from
Belarus and other Soviet republics.
The numbers of settlers
can be seen from the secret report by the All-Union
Committee for
Resettlement under the Council of People's Commissars of the
USSR of Dec. 29,
1933 and addressed to the head of GULAG Berman: "The
committee is sending you
the report #38 on the resettlement to Ukraine as of
Dec. 28,
1933.
Simultaneously, we inform you that the plan for the number of
resettled
persons has been fulfilled by 104.76 percent. In total, 21,856
peasant
households have been resettled, including 117,149 persons, 14,879
horses,
21,898 cows and 38,705 pigs and sheep."
In 1932-1933, what is
now the Kherson oblast was part of the Odesa oblast.
In accordance with the
document, 2,120 households from Russia's Gorky oblast
and 4,630 from Belarus
had been resettled to the Odesa oblast [1]. These are
the figures for 1933
alone, while the resettlement to the south of Ukraine
lasted till the last
days of the Soviet Union [1991].
Along with voluntary resettlement, there
was a forced resettlement of
residents of Western Ukrainian oblasts after
WWII. Here is an account of
that event given by Maria Stefanyshyn:
"
It was exactly on Peter's day [July 12 - UGJ], soldiers surrounded
our
village, drove all of us out of our homes and set fire to them. We
were
taken under escort to Rozhnyativ, a rayon town in the Stanislav area,
shoved
into cargo rail cars and taken to an unknown destination.
After
2 days they released us in Kherson. From there, we went on foot to
the
village of Mala Lepetykha. We found ourselves amid boundless steppe,
with
scorching sun and no water around.
Could we, the natives of the
free Carpathian region, feel comfortable in
this hell? Of course, not. Hence,
four attempts to flee back home. We were
caught at home and dispatched again
to Kherson - until we found a decent
area to live - the village of
Hladkivka, Hola Prystan rayon. It all
happened in 1950 through
1954."
You may counter that the story has nothing to do with the
1932-1933
famine-genocide. Yes, it has. Back in 1932-1933, they used famine
to
devastate Eastern Ukraine, later they used brutal force to destroy
Western
Ukraine.
In 1944, Beria [head of Stalin's secret police - UGJ]
and Zhukov [general in
charge of Soviet army troops in the area - UGJ] signed
a special order,
under which all Ukrainians residing in the areas under
German occupation had
to be resettled.
When I published this order in
The Holoprystansky Herald, a rayon newspaper,
in September of 1997 alongside
with my comments, it caused a turmoil, the
newspaper reported.
Veteran
Communists dubbed the order a Goebbels-type fraud and me as a
historian who
spits on his country's history, past and achievements.
The newspaper's
editor was summoned for questioning by members of a
rayon council, I was
threatened with a law-suit and punishment, while the
editorial board had to
admit that the document was not an authentic
document but a
fake.
However, according to Khrushchov's revelations [in 1956 - UGJ],
Stalin
opted for large-scale resettlement to Ukraine.
Here is an
excerpt from The Komsomolska Pravda: " Much to Stalin's
chagrin, he could not
resettle all Ukrainians as the areas for resettlement
were scarce and there
was the lack of transportation means." [3].
The famine-genocide of
1932-1933 has led not only to physical
extermination of Ukrainians, it eroded
their spiritual base, the national
idea and national awareness of the
people.
We can see the consequences of the genocide today when small
but
nationalistically aware Estonia, and not only Estonia, sides with
the
countries of the West - while a 50-million Ukraine is wavering whether
to
break away with its Communist past.
There was a multitude of
appeals from the people to Verkhovna Rada,
president and government
protesting the stupidity of marking the
anniversaries of the Bolshevik
uprising in Petersburg, incidentally, called
by Ulyanov (Lenin) a
coup.
The Russians have long stopped to mark it, but in Ukraine it is
still a
state holiday. Take, for instance, our submissiveness, apathy, and
neglect
of our own traditions. Aren't they the consequences of the genocide?
We have
learned to use Russian four-letter words in our speech, an unheard-of
thing
in the past for a Ukrainian.
The Communist morals are
convincingly demonstrated to us by our deputies
who prefer to resolve their
problems in fist-fights in Verkhovna Rada, like
it happened on Apr. 16, 1997
when lawmakers Volodymyr Marchenko and
Natalia Vitrenko in a professionally
thuggish way beat up their colleague
Pavlo Movchan. "I don't have any
scruples," Marchenko said after the
incident [4]. No wonder.
Instead of crosses we now put guns, tanks,
monuments of soldiers with guns
over tombs. The road to the Taras Shevchenko
monument in Kharkiv is lined
with stone soldiers grabbing to their rifles.
What for? So that the great
Ukrainian feels the Russian spirit? The same
assertiveness had been
confirmed by Russia President Borys Yeltsyn who said:
"We must do away
with Chechen bandits in Russia"[5].
Such assertive
statements have already been directed at Ukrainians,
especially after Moscow
Mayor Luzhkov's speech in Sevastopol: "Ukraine has
no claim to Sevastopol. So
far, we are speaking only about Sevastopol"[6].
What will Russia claim
tomorrow? The south of Ukraine?
Another turncoat and reportedly a
descendant of Ukrainian Cossack Lebid, now
Governor of Siberia Gen. Lebid
wants to take Ukraine to international court
to cede its territory to Russia,
saying that in any way Sevastopol has
always been and will be Russia's
territory.
Army generals have been echoed by church generals: "The
purpose of the
conference is to restore our Motherland," Archbishop of
Zaporizhia and
Melitopol Vasylij [Moscow-run Orthodox church in Ukraine -
UGJ] declared
on Dec. 24, 1996, speaking on the Channel 2 of Ukrainian
television.
Most probably as a snub, the conference in question was held
on Jan. 9-12,
1997 by Moscow-affiliated clergy in Zaporizhia, [the area with
a glorious
Cossack past, the seat of the Cossack state, Sich -
Translator].
Joining Levko Lukyanenko [a prominent Ukrainian nationalist
and dissident -
AUR], I would like to ask indignantly, "How such abominable
cruelty could
be done in independent Ukraine?" I refer to the events on July
18, 1995 on
Sofiyivsky square in Kyiv when police using gas and batons broke
up the
burial procession of the Holy Patriarch of Kyiv and all Ukraine
Volodymyr.
"They are ignorant of the national shrines and national
symbols. On July 18
they demonstrated their closeness with the imperial
forces by protecting the
Russia-affiliated church," Levko Lukyanenko
added.
Isn't all this lack of spiritual beliefs and national awareness
the result
of the genocide? How much longer must we suffer to unite and feel
a
full-fledged nation, to feel that we are UKRAINIANS?
Such kind of
ideological duality is present everywhere, especially in the
south of
Ukraine. My native village, Hladkivka, is no exception. When on
November 7
the local Communist leaders and their cronies were marking the
day of the
Bolshevik coup, across the street there was a commemorative
church service
for the innocent victims of the famine in Ukraine. From of
old, November 7,
or the Dmytrij day, has been the day of remembrance
in
Ukraine.
Therefore, the meeting of the Hladkivka branch of the
Association of
holodomor-genocide researchers has appealed to the association
council in
Kyiv to file a law suit with the international court on the
grounds of the
crimes committed by Moscow in 1921-1923, 1932-1933, 1946-1947,
with
appropriate compensations to be paid (excerpt from the meeting minutes
of
Jan. 3, 1997).
We suggest that the council of the
association should initiate a proposal
in Verkhovna Rada making November 7
the day of the
holodomor-famine
remembrance.
-30-
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
NOTES:
1. Collectivization and famine in Ukraine in 1929-1933. A
collection of
documents and materials. Kyiv, 19992, P.
642.
2. Khrushchev N.S. On the cult of personality and its
consequences.
Report to the 20th congress of the Communist
party of USSR.
Feb. 25, 1956. Izvestia of the Central
Committee, 1989, #3. - P. 152.
3. The Komsomolskaya Pravda, Feb. 3,
1990.
4. TSN TV program, Apr. 16, 1997.
5. Novosti TV program, Jan. 19,
1996.
6. Russia's Vremya TV program , Dec. 26,
1996.
-30-
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
LINK:
http://www.golodomor.org.ua/pub.php?sp=2LINK:
http://ukraine3000.org.ua/eng/yesterday/vchora/5216.html-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[
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Journal: Holodomor 1932-1933]
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Induced
Starvation, Death for Millions, Genocide
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